53 Families, Relationships and Societies • vol 8 • no 1 • 53–72 • © Policy Press 2019 Print ISSN 2046 7435 • Online ISSN 2046 7443 • https://doi.org/10.1332/204674317X14908575604683 Accepted for publication 23 March 2017 • First published online 05 April 2017 article Inheritance and family conflicts: exploring asset transfers shaping intergenerational relations Misa Izuhara,1 M.Izuhara@bristol.ac.uk University of Bristol, UK Stephan Köppe, stephan.koeppe@ucd.ie University College Dublin, Ireland In contemporary societies with slower economic growth and
( Brinton and Oh, 2017 ). Yet, more married women are staying on in the job market ( Raymo and Lim, 2011 ; Brinton et al, 2018 ). This trend coincides with the emerging expectation that men should be good fathers, good husbands and good employees ( Winslow, 2005 ; Yeung, 2013 ), which raises questions about perceptions of work–family conflict (WFC) and of a gender gap ( Milkie and Peltola, 1999 ; Keene and Quadagno, 2004 ). Interferences between work and family have potential effects in both directions, that is, work-to-family and family-to-work. This study focuses
51 Families, Relationships and Societies • vol 3 • no 1 • 51–65 • © Policy Press 2014 • #FRS Print ISSN 2046 7435 • Online ISSN 2046 7443 • http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674313X13796044783891 Great expectations. Dual-earner policies and the management of work–family conflict: the examples of Sweden and Slovenia Anne Grönlund, Umeå University, Sweden anne.gronlund@soc.umu.se Jana Javornik, University of Leeds, UK j.javornik@leeds.ac.uk This article explores mechanisms linking family policy to work–family conflict, work demands and gender. The conflict
255 FOURTEEN Permeability of work-family borders: effects of information and communication technologies on work-family conflict at the childcare stage in Japan Yuka Sakamoto Introduction Childcare stage in Japan In Japan, life transitions to childcare stages are often difficult, especially for women who try to continue their vocational career. From the 1980s to 2000s, while the overall female employment rate increased, the employment rate of women with young children remained low. Only recently have nationwide statistics begun to show that the ratio of
work and home responsibilities is associated with stress and dissatisfaction ( Bianchi and Milkie, 2010 ). Work–family conflict is common, with some 70 per cent of workers reporting some form of interference between work and non-work ( Kelly et al, 2014 ). Work–family conflict may be especially pronounced for care workers who perform both formal (paid) and informal (unpaid) care, and who may have to balance these multiple demands ( DePasquale et al, 2014 ). Proposed solutions to work–family conflict often centre on giving autonomy and control to workers and
reconciling work and family. The article also studies how working conditions and access to economic and social capital influence the coping strategies used. The findings indicate a variety of coping strategies. These were clearly influenced by position in the labour market and access to social and economic capital. While for instance working-class mothers tried to changed jobs to cope with temporary employments, middle-class mothers used flexitime to cope with work–family conflict. Access to social capital was crucial for all mothers. key words lone motherhood • work–family
in paid work and in care, and the work–family conflict they experience, in four countries, the two Nordic countries Denmark and Sweden, the Netherlands and Politicising parenthood in Scandinavia 196 the UK. The four countries represent three different social structures concerning norms and values for parenthood as well as in the profile of family and caring policies in Northern Europe (Perron et al, 1998; Esping-Andersen, 1990, 1999; Gallie and Paugam, 2000). Denmark and Sweden represent the Nordic welfare model. Both countries score high on equal opportunities and
stressors (stem from the needs of the care recipient that impose demands/hardships on the carer, for example, assisting with activities of daily living [ADLs] and overload) (b) Secondary stressors (consequences the carer experiences in meeting these demands, for example, loss of self and family conflict) (c) Mediators (potential buffers against the effects of primary and secondary stressors (for example, personal gain and social support) (1) Mediators : (a) positive affect; (b) supportive social network (1) Primary stressors : (a) caregiver overload; (b) stress in
as role ambiguity (RA), lack of career growth and development (CGD), perceived unfairness (PU), inflexible work schedule (IWS), work-family conflict (WFC), family- work conflict (FWC), lack of interpersonal trust (IP), public (P), work overload (WO), political interference (PI) and lack of feedback (LF). Examples of some of the question wording (by factor) are: I know exactly what is expected of me (RA), Training opportunities provided are relevant to my profession (CGD), The allocation of work is fair (PU), Even during an off day I am required to be on duty
it may be the case that part-time employment can help to ease work–family conflict for mothers and fathers and simultaneously contribute to the household income, British evidence shows that it has negative effects on women’s career and economic benefits (Connolly and Gregory, 2008). Fathers and parental leave Since the late 1990s, strategies to enhance the visibility of fathers’ leave entitlements have accelerated in many countries across the world (ILO, 2014). There has been experimentation with a range of policy instruments based on incentives, penalty and
