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Introduction The gender gap in political ambition has been well established by studies in a number of advanced democracies ( Lawless and Fox, 2005 , 2010 ; Allen and Cutts, 2018 ). Explanations at the aggregate level focus on institutionalised sexism in political parties and institutions, while individual-level explanations instead focus on gendered socialisation. More recently, attention has turned to personality traits as a possible explanation of individual-level political ambition. Individual-level personality traits have been shown to be associated

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Key messages Based on retrospective questions and a within-pandemic panel, the gender gap in political participation increased slightly in Germany during the COVID-19 pandemic. The unequal impact of the pandemic on women’s economic and social status tends to translate into unequal participation in politics. What we call ‘COVID-19-related’ burdens had a more substantial mobilising effect among men than women. Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic presents a dilemma for civil society. The need for citizens’ involvement has increased to cope with this

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gender gap is attributed to structural factors, including inequalities in women’s resources and their representation in politics, while the remaining portion is influenced by women’s perception of their place in politics ( Burns et al, 2001 ). In Finland, women have enjoyed equal political rights and opportunities since 1906, being the first in Europe to gain the right to vote and the right to stand as candidates. Currently, Finland ranks sixth globally in terms of the proportion of women representatives in parliament ( Parliament of Finland, 2020 ). However, these

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Key messages Even in the egalitarian context of the Nordic countries, the gender gap in radical right voting remains significant. Gendered differences in anti-immigrant sentiment are a powerful predictor of the size of the gender gap in radical right voting. The rise of single-issue voting is a double-edged sword for the radical right: it attracts men and alienates women. Introduction The past decades of political realignment and crises have opened space for a new family of parties united by xenophobic ethnonationalism and anti

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Surveys have found a persistent gender gap in political knowledge, with women knowing less about politics than men. This article tests the explanations for the gap using surveys collected in Australia between 2001 and 2016. The results show that the gender gap in knowledge was stable between 2001 and 2007, but declined significantly in 2010, and returning to trend in 2013 and 2016. The decline in 2010 is largely accounted for by the election of Australia’s first female prime minister, Julia Gillard, which resulted in women displaying greater media attentiveness. The results confirm other research suggesting that enhanced descriptive representation of women may help to close the gender gap in political knowledge.

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Key messages Women are under-represented in the news. Reporting women in masculinised media environments is associated with smaller gender gaps in political interest. The presence of women in hard-news-oriented media, such as newspapers, is associated with smaller gender differences in declared political interest. More women in news on political or economic affairs is associated with a smaller gap in political interest. Introduction The relationship between media consumption and political interest has often been described as a positive

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Having discussed the various reasons to be critical of both big data and of the available quantitative data on gender and security, I proceed to an overview of the gender gap in technology access. This section begins by presenting some of the available knowledge on gender gaps in technology development, proceeds to discuss gender gaps in technology use and how these can be contextualized within research on FSS, and applies these insights to a case study of regional issues in gender and technology in selected South Asian countries. The analysis broadly makes

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195 ELEVEN Gender gap among second- generation students in higher education: the Italian case Alessandro Bozzetti Italy is experiencing a structural, stable, and multigenerational migratory presence in which new generations are increasingly obtaining access to the highest social and educational levels, including university. However, the process is especially problematic in the Italian context, which has seen a shift from being an “emigration” to becoming an “immigration country” in recent years. The educational choices of young people are influenced by

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first-time Canadian fathers expressed interest in spending more time with family, they found this desire conflicts with the demands of being a provider ( Kushner et al, 2017 ). A persistent gender gap in parenting has been present in Canada despite increased participation of fathers ( Buchanan et al, 2016 ). This shift towards increased parenting by parents can be somewhat explained by numerous family-related childcare policies that were instituted by Canada. Since 2001, the Employment Insurance (EI) Act allowed parents to have 35 weeks of paid parental leave. As

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Key messages Self-perceived gender traits show few direct associations with left–right ideology and green/alternative/liberal versus traditionalist/authoritarian/nationalist (GAL-TAN) opinions. Gender-conforming men and women lean more to the right and more towards traditionalist/authoritarian/nationalist (TAN) opinions than gender-nonconforming men and women. These new gender gaps in attitudes are sometimes larger than the original attitudinal gap between women and men. Introduction In recent years, scholars have started to use non

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