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73 TEN Identity Zanib Rasool In the UK, there is an increased focus on social cohesion and integration (Casey, 2016; DCLG).1 Young people from minority ethnic communities experience a great deal of pressure in order to fit in with the national narrative of ‘Britishness’, and often feel that they should conform outwardly in their dress and physical appearance, and adopt British sociocultural practices. Those individuals who maintain their faith, language and cultural identity are seen as segregating themselves and living parallel lives (Miah, 2012). However

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LGBTIQA+ is a continually evolving acronym that refers to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer and/or questioning and asexual and/or ally. The plus sign represents diverse sex, gender and sexual identities that lie outside of LGBTIQA. It can be difficult for people who identify as LGBTIQA+ to feel accepted in rural communities owing to the dominance of conservative values, including the maintenance of traditional family structures and gender roles. This can lead LGBTIQA+ people to experience heightened levels of social isolation, exclusion

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79 FIVE Body and identity This chapter explores some of the seminal literature on two seemingly different subjects: body and identity. Unlike time, these two subjects have been investigated in depth by other writers. This chapter aims to introduce themes contained in the subjects of body and identity that are most relevant to this book. The two subjects are presented separately, but later in the chapter, in the review of the work of Jenkins, Hockey and James, and Battersby, there are suggestions that body and identity are interwoven. In later chapters, we

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131 SIx Equality, identity and disability introduction Consistent with social work codes of ethics and mainstream social policy objectives, the disability rights movement (DRM) promotes the universal values of equal rights and individual autonomy, drawing heavily on Kantian philosophy. However, I argue here that an anti-universalised Nietzschean perspective is also promoted via specific interpretations of the social model of disability, explored in Chapter Five, that challenge the political orthodoxy of rights-based social movements and the aspirations of

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113 7 Identity and Belonging Introduction We were in the pub watching football as Sayel pulled out his phone and showed us the footage of the English Defence League (EDL) marching on the town he now called home. Sayel didn’t drink beer when he first arrived, but he now enjoyed an occasional pint after work. ‘OMG, I’m so British,’ he quipped. ‘Don’t tell my mum!’ His fellow Afghan friend who was with us did not consume alcohol. He said he felt a bit uneasy in the pub in case he was seen and people assumed he was drinking, but it was, he added, worth it to

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125 SIX Vulnerable identities? Introduction While the concept of vulnerability has come to play a significant role in policies, practices and discourses related to disadvantage and social difficulty, how supposedly vulnerable people might understand, construct or respond to being classified in this way has rarely been given consideration. Resistance and receptiveness to ‘vulnerable identities’ (see McLaughlin, 2012) are little understood, with attention to the implications of vulnerability rationales tending to remain more focused at the level of

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a Taliesin-like constant reinvention in the face of successive threats to her identity. But what is ‘identity’? Any attempt to describe it is at best a snapshot. It changes over time. We are not the same at the age of 60 as we were at six, despite the biological continuity. And then we must factor in the variables of perception. Different biographers will capture different aspects of one personal history or ‘identity’, much as different walks can lead you to the summit of the same mountain. Welsh identity also has its own ‘biographers’ differing wildly in their

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115 FIVE Care and identity in rural Malawi Emily Freeman Introduction Political and academic concern that care for older adults in Sub-Saharan Africa is insufficient and under strain in light of changing demography and society is long standing (UN, 1982), but poorly set out. Questions remain unanswered: What is meant by ‘care’ and what is the care that older adults need? Do (all) older adults want this (undefined) care? If they do, when do they want it and from whom? Much of the established discourse implies incapacity in older age, a burden of care to be

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PART II: Negotiating identities

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1 1 Philosophy, Identity and the ‘Ship of Theseus’ ‘With philosophy you can bring out your own ideas and then, through the group you can rework it, remodel it, change it, look at it, to get to somewhere. So it’s your part in building that and, I suppose, it’s more empowering in that sense because you are doing it yourself.’ (Michael, HMP Grendon) In the 1st century AD, Plutarch wrote of the ‘ship of Theseus’, a well-known philosophical paradox, revived by Thomas Hobbes and rearticulated over time by philosophers and teachers. The story provides a basis

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