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Part Two Models of care

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exploitation ( Bhattacharya, 2017a ; 2017b ; Ferguson, 2020 ). I call this approach ‘the service model of care’. In short, mainstream and Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) feminists often construct and centre the agency of non-disabled women as caregivers through a dyadic and hierarchical relationship that also reduces other participants in the care relation to the role of care receivers ( Gulland, 2023 ; see also Finch and Groves, 1980 ; McIntosh, 1981 ). It follows that the ‘receivers’ of care are deemed to be unproductive, agency-less and passive consumers of a service

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policies and gender equality outcomes. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that both countries in our sample that are examples of the Partnership Model of care policy fall into what Esping-Andersen ( 1990 ) would deem ‘corporatist’ and Daly and Lewis ( 2000 ) would term ‘family breadwinner’ welfare state types. Germany Thirty-three per cent of children under the age of 3 have access to a childcare place (either in nursery facility or with a family-based childminder), but demand outstrips supply. Only 41.5% of these attend full-time, whereas demand in 2014 was 68

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.29: Gender equity and policy transferability of both models of care policy Universal Childcare Model 189.027 Universal Long-term Care Model 126.018 Universal Model Total 315.045 Partnership Childcare Model 178.698 Partnership Long-term Care Model 228.23 Partnership Model Total 406.928 Overall, the Partnership Model of care policy provides the best gender equality outcomes when you take into account the transferability of policies into diverse welfare contexts. However, the Universal Model of childcare policy

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development. This is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the maintenance of a sustainable rural tradition in the country. Economic development means little if the quality of life of rural people, and particularly those with dementia, is poor because social models of care are so weak. There must be a dual approach to development that recognises the importance of the economic and the social in the lives of the people, including those with dementia. Specifically, progress is required in the following areas: measurement of social progress and social gain in rural

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The Nordic states are commonly held up as an example of universal state provision of services leading to high levels of gender equality. This is slightly misleading: there is no one ‘Nordic model’ of welfare, and even those states with high levels of state control over welfare, childcare and long-term care services have introduced forms of market and individual involvement in the provision of services. Nevertheless, the three case study examples discussed in this chapter, namely, Denmark, Iceland and Sweden all share common features that make them examples of ‘good practice’ in this field: they all have gender equality at the heart of their constitutional framework and policy values; they all score highly on the Gender Equality Index; they all adopt a universal ‘social rights’ approach to the provision of services; and they all have high levels of state involvement in the provision of (or commissioning of) childcare and long-term care services.

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Introduction More than a decade ago, in the context of the project ‘Home Care in Canada: Working at the Nexus of the Public and Private Spheres’ (hereafter referred to as the ‘Nexus’ project), Sims-Gould and Martin-Matthews (2010) proposed a conceptual model of care to capture the interactive nature of care provision. This model of home care was developed in response to the literature’s limited identification of roles, responsibilities and relationship dynamics in the context of home care, where multiple individuals contribute to the care of an older person

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to stand alone. Readers can choose to read chapters individually: In Chapter Two we describe the features of the Universal Model of care policy, drawing on case study examples of Denmark, Iceland and Sweden. We discuss the advantages and disadvantages of that model, and discuss which elements of that model led to its success in promoting and supporting gender equality. We also look at which features of the model might be amenable to transfer to other policy contexts. In Chapter Three we describe the features of the Partnership Model of care policy, based

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287 Towards evidence-based care: the challenge of Making Research Count James Blewett English In recent years UK governments have increasingly promoted attempts to move towards evidence-based models of care. Within this context there has been a growing interest by policy makers and practitioners in the integration and application of the findings of research to practice, and the subsequent development of initiatives to promote research mindedness among care staff. This article looks at the experience of one of the largest and most longstanding of these

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of care that address young people’s needs, promote their rights and challenge the broader political and policy context that impacts so determinately on these children and young adults’ current wellbeing and on their futures. Setting the scene: the Australian context Consider the situation of four young men, Malek, Ahmad, Maamat, and Zohib, all Hazara by ethnicity, all from Afghanistan, all living in Australia and all having arrived alone when they were under the age of 18 years and with no family in Australia. These four young men have similar claims for

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