Activation policies which promote and enforce labour market participation continue to proliferate in Europe and constitute the reform blueprint from centre-left to centre-right, as well as for most international organizations. Through an in-depth study of four major reforms in Denmark and France, this book maps how co-existing ideas are mobilised to justify, criticise and reach activation compromises and how their morality sediments into the instruments governing the unemployed. By rethinking the role of ideas and morality in policy changes, this book illustrates how the moral economy of activation leads to a permanent behaviourist testing of the unemployed in public debate as well as in local jobcentres.
7 Evidence & Policy • vol 13 • no 1 • 7–27 • © Policy Press 2017 • #EVPOL Print ISSN 1744 2648 • Online ISSN 1744 2656 • http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/174426415X14443053123024 The moral economy of health technology assessment: an empirical qualitative study Ariel Ducey, aducey@ucalgary.ca University of Calgary Sue Ross, sue.ross@albertahealthservices.ca University of Alberta Terilyn Pott, pterilyn@hotmail.com, University of Calgary Carmen Thompson, ckthomps@ucalgary.ca, University of Calgary all Canada Using data from interviews with Health Technology
93 THREE The religious and personalist tradition: or, reflections on the moral economy of criminal justice Introduction A developing theme in this updated and revised edition is that probation’s organisational rationale, explicated within the operational dynamics of the modernised criminal justice system sketched in Chapter One, has become analytically complex. It is a multifaceted phenomenon that demands an explanatory approach that assimilates various theoretical standpoints. This is why Chapter Two established the position that it is necessary to
173 8 Chemotherapy: the content of the moral economy of activation By looking into the public debates surrounding four major activation reforms, the four preceding chapters have exposed the ideas, politics and policies at stake in the ‘active turn’. This chapter and the following one discuss key patterns that cut across the four cases and argue for their relevance beyond the selected cases and countries. This chapter discusses the content of the moral economy of activation, while Chapter 9 points to the key dynamics. The first section of the current
moral economy of exclusion The HRS webpage can be conceptualised as a meta-discursive frame through which various ‘knowledge’ claims and political imaginaries are presented to internet audiences. I consider meta-discursive frames to be important, not only because they may produce positioned spectators and clearly contribute to constraining and enabling certain interpretations, but also because the frame as a constitutive outside ‘tends to function, even in a minimalist form, as an editorial embellishment of the image’ ( Butler, 2009 : 8). In the case of HRS, the
Key messages Circulation of HRS fear appeals serves to push anti-Muslim illiberalism from the fringes towards the dominant cultural outlook. Publication of secretly shot photos of Norwegian Muslims engender a moral economy of exclusion. Introduction This article examines three interlinked publications by the Norwegian extreme-right civil society organisation Human Rights Service (HRS), to explore how illiberal political logics are legitimised through discursive technologies of xenophobic populism against Muslims and Islam. Hosting a widely
history. Finally, a short conclusion draws these intellectual and historiographical threads together and closes the response. Loyalty, moral economy and the ‘rules of the game’ The book under review – Labour and the politics of disloyalty in Belfast, 1921–39: The moral economy of loyalty – started as a PhD thesis at Queen’s University Belfast, 2009–13. The thesis set out to examine the development of the inter-war Belfast labour movement following partition. This research was an exacting task due to the lack of archival sources available to examine the local
Palgrave Macmillan , 2018 , ISBN 9783319710808 , 162pp , Hardback £44.99 The central thesis postulated in Christopher Loughlin’s Labour and the politics of disloyalty in Belfast 1921–39: The moral economy of loyalty is that Northern Ireland was specifically established in order to accommodate and nurture a politics of loyalty approved and fostered by the Ulster Unionist elite. Consequently, this strategy automatically excluded as disloyal all other forms of political activity which did not adhere to the definition of what was and was not politically
argument that attempts to go beyond the conventional wisdom, which has asserted the ‘centrality of religion and sectarian conflict’ ( 2018: vii ) in the establishment and consolidation of Northern Ireland as a partitioned entity. The book is framed persuasively around the concept of ‘moral economy’, adapted from the seminal work of E.P. Thompson, and applied by the ruling Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) to the critical division between ‘loyalty’ and ‘disloyalty’ in the political life of Northern Ireland. The UUP’s capacity to set the parameters of the political ‘rules of
). A radical ‘history from below’ of Belfast’s labour movement, 1921–39 The recent resurgence of radical thinking in the south of Ireland has also been mirrored by similar trends and developments in academia in the north of Ireland. A case in mind is Christopher J.V. Loughlin’s book, Labour and the politics of disloyalty in Belfast, 1921–39: The moral economy of loyalty , which furnishes a history ‘from below’ of the politics of the inter-war labour movement in Belfast, from 1921 to 1939. There is much to ponder about how this book relates to the ‘Militancy and
