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longer, and those in richer households being more likely to retire earlier ( Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2020 ). Despite financial pressures to extend working lives, policies to actively support older people to work longer are meagre ( Ní Léime et al 2020 ). As we shall argue in this chapter, this reflects a wider trend of increasing ‘neoliberal responsibilisation’, whereby it becomes the responsibility of individuals to become ‘active’, entrepreneurial individuals and take whatever opportunities are available to them to work until they are in a financial

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disaggregated way and looking at the lived experiences of older workers themselves in a changing policy, employment and cultural context. In this final chapter we first elaborate on why we think the concept of bridge jobs is problematic for the purpose of making sense of job transitions. In the subsequent sections we draw on qualitative evidence from the country chapters to explore the key themes of the book. First, we look at why job transitions in older age must be understood in the context of neoliberal responsibilisation and ‘appeals to freedom’. Second, we explore

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European Experiences in a Neoliberal Era

More people are extending their working lives through necessity or choice in the context of increasingly precarious labour markets and neoliberalism. This book goes beyond the aggregated statistics to explore the lived experiences of older people attempting to make job transitions.

Drawing on the voices of older workers in a diverse range of European countries, leading scholars explore job redeployment and job mobility, temporary employment, unemployment, employment beyond pension age and transitions into retirement.

This book makes a major contribution and will be essential reading within a range of disciplines, including social gerontology, management, sociology and social policy.

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parallels to later arguments about neoliberalism ( Rose, 1999 ). In the field of pensions, the real value of the ‘basic’ state pension fell over many years, and attempts to develop a supplementary ‘State Earnings Replacement Pension’ were undermined after 1979 in favour of promoting private pension savings ( Lain, 2016 ). Changes to state pensions since the early 2000s therefore have to be understood in this longer-term context of ‘neoliberal responsibilisation’ (see Chapter 1 ). In parallel to the welfare state, the UK also has a relatively unregulated ‘liberal

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More people are extending their paid working lives either through necessity or by choice in the context of increasingly precarious labour markets. As a result, the importance of job transitions in older age has grown significantly. This book goes beyond aggregated statistics to explore the lived experiences of older people attempting to make job transitions in European countries. The opening two chapters in Part I explore the changing historical and policy context, and this discussion is supported by statistics on changing job transitions in 16 countries. It is argued that job transitions today must be understood in the context of neoliberal responsibilisation, which shifts responsibility onto the older person to ‘choose’ to take whatever job opportunities are available to them. Country chapters in Part II draw on qualitative research to examine how older people seek to navigate a range of transitions in this context, often under adverse conditions. These chapters cover job redeployment/mobility in the UK and Sweden, temporary employment in Belgium, unemployment in Italy, employment beyond pension age in Germany and the UK, and transitions to retirement in Ireland. The concluding chapter in Part III discusses the findings and contribution of the book in light of arguments about neoliberal responsibilisation, drawing together qualitative evidence from across the book as a whole. This book makes an important contribution to debates on employment and retirement in older age and is essential reading for scholars from social gerontology, management, sociology, social policy and public administration.

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More people are extending their paid working lives either through necessity or by choice in the context of increasingly precarious labour markets. As a result, the importance of job transitions in older age has grown significantly. This book goes beyond aggregated statistics to explore the lived experiences of older people attempting to make job transitions in European countries. The opening two chapters in Part I explore the changing historical and policy context, and this discussion is supported by statistics on changing job transitions in 16 countries. It is argued that job transitions today must be understood in the context of neoliberal responsibilisation, which shifts responsibility onto the older person to ‘choose’ to take whatever job opportunities are available to them. Country chapters in Part II draw on qualitative research to examine how older people seek to navigate a range of transitions in this context, often under adverse conditions. These chapters cover job redeployment/mobility in the UK and Sweden, temporary employment in Belgium, unemployment in Italy, employment beyond pension age in Germany and the UK, and transitions to retirement in Ireland. The concluding chapter in Part III discusses the findings and contribution of the book in light of arguments about neoliberal responsibilisation, drawing together qualitative evidence from across the book as a whole. This book makes an important contribution to debates on employment and retirement in older age and is essential reading for scholars from social gerontology, management, sociology, social policy and public administration.

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More people are extending their paid working lives either through necessity or by choice in the context of increasingly precarious labour markets. As a result, the importance of job transitions in older age has grown significantly. This book goes beyond aggregated statistics to explore the lived experiences of older people attempting to make job transitions in European countries. The opening two chapters in Part I explore the changing historical and policy context, and this discussion is supported by statistics on changing job transitions in 16 countries. It is argued that job transitions today must be understood in the context of neoliberal responsibilisation, which shifts responsibility onto the older person to ‘choose’ to take whatever job opportunities are available to them. Country chapters in Part II draw on qualitative research to examine how older people seek to navigate a range of transitions in this context, often under adverse conditions. These chapters cover job redeployment/mobility in the UK and Sweden, temporary employment in Belgium, unemployment in Italy, employment beyond pension age in Germany and the UK, and transitions to retirement in Ireland. The concluding chapter in Part III discusses the findings and contribution of the book in light of arguments about neoliberal responsibilisation, drawing together qualitative evidence from across the book as a whole. This book makes an important contribution to debates on employment and retirement in older age and is essential reading for scholars from social gerontology, management, sociology, social policy and public administration.

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and risk-focused intervention and the neoliberal responsibilisation of children and families via coerced engagement with non- negotiable ‘support’ mechanisms. This managerialist ‘third way’ for youth justice was contrasted with the distinctive, children’s rights-focused youth justice policy that has emerged in Wales since its partial devolution in 1999. The intended contrast was grounded in policy divergences – an English form of youth justice driven by risk-focused and responsibilising social policies for children compared to the potential for a distinct

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at times unwittingly reinforce the neoliberal capitalist values that they seek to resist. This has included the hidden ways that spaces of resistance reinforce dominant oppressive structures of gender and race, as well as the creative ways in which activists reinvent neoliberal responsibilisation discourses to provide a rationale for doing activism. In this respect, anti-austerity activism represents both a hermeneutics of faith and suspicion (Levitas, 2012). The ideal activist identity typifies this ambivalent relationship between neoliberal capitalism and

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against themselves. Although Kennelly (2014) does not refer specifically to the activist identity, she ties feelings of guilt to the context of neoliberal responsibilisation, remarking that ‘amongst the women, I noted professions of an overwhelming – at times even crippling – sense of responsibility and culpability’ (2014: 243). Crucially, in order to feel guilty for failing to reach a benchmark, one must believe that such a benchmark is achievable and that it is entirely within one’s own power to achieve it. However, a key question arises about why this

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