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In the second century CE, Roman poet Juvenal likened finding the perfect woman to seeing a black swan in the wild: both were considered so unlikely as to be impossible. But after Dutch navigator Willem de Vlamingh encountered a swan with all black feathers while exploring southwestern Australia in 1697, the black swan instead became a metaphor for erroneously assuming that something is impossible based on the limited facts at one’s disposal – in this case, the observation that in Europe, all swans were white. By 2020, ‘black swan’ had come to symbolise for market investors an event with serious effects that is nevertheless so rare as to be unpredictable, based on the current state of knowledge. So when the Silicon Valley venture capital firm Sequoia Capital referred to the COVID-19 pandemic as a ‘black swan’ in a memo issued on 5 March 2020, everyone knew what they meant: something terrible and unpredictable had happened, and all we could do now was figure out how to deal with the consequences.

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engagement do not tell us much about the social composition of participants. This observation is critical in a crisis that has reinforced inequalities in contemporary societies (see, for example, Grasso et al, 2021 ). It relates to ongoing scholarly debates over ‘political inequalities’, that is, how social inequalities translate into unequal participation rates ( Dalton, 2017 ). Some people are more likely to participate based on resources, skills and motivations, ultimately distorting policy outcomes ( Bartels, 2016 ). In this study, we focus on the gender gap in

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and recognitional components of justice have been criticised for not taking the wider geopolitical aspects of climate change sufficiently into consideration. For instance, efforts to highlight the ongoing impacts of imperial histories of fossil fuel plunder ( Carbon Brief, 2021 ) or the influence of related structures of economic, social and political inequality on the changing dynamics of a warming world ( Clark and York, 2005 ; Moore, 2017 ). Similarly, criticisms of a failure to connect institutionally embedded patterns of discrimination and value inequality

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social and political inequality on a national scale. In addition, the pandemic has contracted space in public discourse and media coverage—which is needed to advance LGBT equality—creating new opportunities for exploitation to advance anti-LGBT political agendas. Prior to the advent of COVID-19, many LGBT people faced the detrimental effects of widespread discrimination. Before the pandemic, a majority of LGBT Americans also found themselves living in states without legal protection from job discrimination. LGBT people can be evicted from their homes or denied the

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83 TEN Poverty and politics The social position of poor people is often identified in terms of inequality – the things that poor people do not have, and others do. Richer people are able to take certain things for granted: that they have the rights, freedoms and status of every other citizen. Poor people do not have the same assurance. Obviously, many of the world’s poorest people live in societies that are not democracies, and political inequality goes hand in hand with other forms of disadvantage. But it is also true in the world’s rich democracies that

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Transnational corporate power relations underlie the long-standing geo-political inequalities and rigidities in world trade and food policy ( Friedmann, 2005 ; McMichael, 2005 ). These have been exposed most recently by the renewal of hostilities between Russia and Ukraine in February, 2022. Analysing the ensuing global food price inflation – ‘Another perfect storm?’ – IPES-Food (2022b) calls out the global food order for abject failures of governance to safeguard the poor in the vulnerable low-income countries of the Global South from global food price

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weave in their experiences from Canada, New Zealand, the UK and South Africa. Contemporary social work in Australia, as in many Western countries, is largely underpinned by a neoliberal logic, including managerialism and New Public Management. The critical ethics of care endorsed by these authors offers a vital moral anchor for social work theory and practice within a context of social and political inequality. The collection is divided into four parts. Part One, ‘Framing care’, includes five chapters that help to build a relationship between care and social work by

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layers of disadvantage are disproportionately affected by public spending cuts. Additionally, a further discussion on gender equality in the politics of everyday life could have been helpful to deepen the analysis of how gender roles affect people’s civic participation and their visibility and political impact. Informal participation in volunteering, which attracts less recognition and support than other forms of involvement, is higher for women, tending to reinforce gender norms and political inequality ( United Nations Volunteers, 2018 ). Students of all levels

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distribution, and so far the Labour administration has not done enough to secure that. Politically, inequality may be a harder nut to crack than poverty, since it means tackling inherited wealth, entrenched privilege and powerful commercial interests, but as the manifesto-writers have their pens poised for a general election in 2005 it can be no bad thing to remind them that creating a fair and equitable society is unfinished business. References Commission on Social Justice (1994) Social justice: Strategies for national renewal, London: Vintage. Paxton, W. and Dixon, M

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challenges to neoliberalisation described in this study hint at potentials both to go beyond institutional constraints to relationality within the mental health system, but at the same time to contribute to the sociopolitical contestation of broader distributive inequalities and forms of oppression at the societal level. In so far as madness and mental distress constitute materially structured lived experiences underpinned by social, economic and political inequalities, such sociopolitical challenges have an important role to play in addressing both the iniquitous

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