Even in the egalitarian context of the Nordic countries, the gender gap in radicalright voting remains significant.
Gendered differences in anti-immigrant sentiment are a powerful predictor of the size of the gender gap in radicalright voting.
The rise of single-issue voting is a double-edged sword for the radicalright: it attracts men and alienates women.
The past decades of political realignment and crises have opened space for a new family of parties united by xenophobic ethnonationalism and anti
The chapter explores the rise of radical-right populism and authoritarianism and the implications for Roma. It critiques and seeks to refashion the strategies and frames used by anti-racists and Romani rights champions ranged against antigypsyism in a way that will enhance the potential for intersectional solidarity, dialogue and alignment with the concept of a New Social Europe (for a discussion of this concept, see Chapter One ). This chapter argues for legal protections and human rights to be defended and upheld. However, the narrative
it horrible if women wear short skirts, people who don’t want gays to walk hand in hand, if we don’t do something about it, the Netherlands will disappear, then we will lose our country. 1 (Geert Wilders, leader of the Party for Freedom, during Dutch parliamentary debate in 2016)
This quote illustrates how some parties of the European populist radicalright (PRR) invoke gay rights and women’s emancipation. According to Brubaker (2017) , this new way of talking about ‘defending the nation’, which he calls ‘civilisationism’, is most distinctive and visible in the
politicians like Boris Johnson of the British Conservative Party, and the Bavarian Christian Democrats who wanted to set up detention centers on the southern border of Germany.
The politics of White supremacy were on full display in the second decade of the 21st century. The success of far-right parties, increased violence toward ethnic, racial, and religious minorities, and more restrictive policies on immigration were impacting politics on both sides of the Atlantic. In this chapter, I discuss my ongoing work on radicalright parties in Europe, the shifting discourses
traditional family. To conclude, Italy is governed by a typical populist radical-right party, with Christianity deployed as an identity marker. The party’s radicalisation has been visible in many ways: first, Salvini’s use of religious symbols (that is, swearing on the Gospel and kissing a rosary) to reinforce the community’s identity; second, the definition of a policy agenda that focuses on the traditional family and the promotion of natality; and, third, the adoption of populist positions designed to defend ‘us, the good common people’, against ‘them, the others’, who
Racism has deep roots in both the United States and Europe. This important book examines the past, present, and future of racist ideas and politics. It describes how policies have developed over a long history of European and White American dominance of political institutions that maintain White supremacy.
Givens examines the connections between immigration policy and racism that have contributed to the rise of anti-immigrant, radical-right parties in Europe, the rise of Trumpism in the US, and the Brexit vote in the UK. This book provides a vital springboard for people, organizations, and politicians who want to dismantle structural racism and discrimination.
In the rhetoric of the radicalright, emotions feature prominently. Invoking the emotions of shame and pride in particular has rallied expanding electorates of the radicalright on both sides of the Atlantic in recent years ( Bonikowski, 2017 ). Against this backdrop, it is important to analyse the strategic use of emotions in radicalright countermedia ( Ylä-Anttila, 2017 ; Pyrhönen and Bauvois, 2019 ; Ylä-Anttila, Bauvois and Pyrhönen, 2019 ; Kazlauskaitė and Salmela 2021 ). In this article, we examine the emergence of the polarising
This book dissects the complex social, cultural and political factors which led the UK to take its decision to leave the EU and examines the far-reaching consequences of that decision.
Developing the conceptual framework of securitization, Ryder innovatively uses primary sources and a focus on rhetoric to examine the ways that political elites engineered a politics of fear, insecurity and Brexit nationalism before and after the Brexit vote. He situates Brexit within a wider shift in international political ideas, traces the resurgence in popularity of far-right politics and explores how Britain and Europe now face a choice between further neoliberal reform or radical democratic and social renewal.
Drawing on Roma community voices and expert research, this book provides a powerful tool to challenge conventional discourses and analyses on Romani identity, poverty and exclusion.
Through the transformative vehicle of a ‘Social Europe’, this edited collection presents new concepts and strategies for framing social justice for Romani communities across Europe. The vast majority of Roma experience high levels of exclusion from the labour market and from social networks in society. This book maps out how the implementation of a new ‘Social Europe’ can offer innovative solutions to these intransigent dilemmas.
This insightful and accessible text is vital reading for the policymaker, practitioner, academic and activist.
In many European countries, processes of individualisation have contributed to transforming the middle class into a multitude of people, a sort of ‘middle mass’ with an unstable social identity and radical activism. The different ‘worlds’ of European welfare states seem progressively less able to manage this new kind of middle-class activism.
This book is an essential contribution to ongoing public and academic debates on the unpredictability of middle-class attitudes and on their changing relations with the welfare state. Identifying key trends in the literature, it considers the impact of recent welfare reforms on the needs and preferences of the middle class.