Despite becoming a big issue in public debate, social mobility is one of the most misunderstood processes of our time. In this accessible and engaging text, Geoff Payne, one of Britain’s leading mobility analysts, presents up-to-date sociological research evidence to demonstrate how our politicians have not grasped the ways in which mobility works. The new social mobility argues for considering a wider range of dimensions of mobility and life chances, notably the workings of the labour market, to assess more accurately the causes and consequences of mobility as social and political processes. Bringing together a range of literature and research, it covers key themes of mobility analysis, and offers a critical and original approach to social mobility. This important book will challenge the well-established opinions of politicians, pressure groups, the press, academics and the public; it is also sufficiently comprehensive to be suitable for teaching and of interest to a broad academic audience.
Introduction Social mobility is a big deal in debates about social policy in England. As Calder (2016) has argued, it has had a privileged position as a policy priority across the policy spectrum. However, despite a ‘shared shorthand’ among political leaders and the media for the need for more mobility, there is disagreement about why it is important, ranging from fairness to economic efficiency, individual freedom and anxiety about an underclass ( Payne, 2017 ). If we (as a society) are prioritising social mobility as a goal, we should consider how it is
This chapter will help you to understand: what is meant by life-chances and life-choices; why social mobility does not solve problems resulting from inequality; how changes to housing policy make life harder for poorer children. 12.1 How life-chances explain social inequalities The term life-chances comes from the work of Max Weber, a German sociologist. It has come to be in widespread use in recent years. This is especially the case in relation to children, where ideas about life-chances are often to be found in arguments about social
163 NINE Reframing social mobility The aim of this book has been to look at what social mobility actually means, rather than how much of it there is. It has tried to reflect on how what success means is at the heart of social mobility, arguing that the way in which social mobility is defined must be extended beyond just progression (or lack of it) in terms of occupation or income. This present definition of social mobility based soley on income/ occupation risks exacerbating the corrosive impact of materialism on economic and social life in the 21st
29 THREE Politicians rediscover social mobility Initially social mobility was not an important policy topic for the British political class, whatever their personal beliefs and experiences. Towards the end of the 20th century this began to change. Previous public figures had occasionally cast an eye towards mobility, but a new generation of politicians gradually came to recognise that there might be votes to be won by calling for ‘more’ social mobility. The result in Britain has been that: in recent years social mobility has become a topic of central
49 THREE Tackling ignorance, promoting social mobility: education policy 1948 and 2008 Ruth Lupton and Howard Glennerster Introduction In this chapter, we reflect on education policy in 2008 in the light of the events and debates of 1948. We concentrate on events in England, although contrasts with the devolved policies of other parts of the UK also feature in our analysis. 1948 was a quiet year in the war on ignorance, with Butler’s Education Act already four years old. Moreover, rather than embodying a clear set of post-war ‘ideals’, education policy
53 THREE Unpicking the political consensus on social mobility Introduction Sociologists have been keen to portray a cross-party political consensus on social mobility (Goldthorpe 2012, Payne 2012) – the idea that it has stalled at best, or is going backwards at worst, appears to be shared by all the major political parties in Britain. However, politicians always arrive at their interpretation of an issue from the context of their own party and its ideology. Bracketing together different politicians’ views hampers an understanding of how and why social
123 SEVEN Social mobility, well-being and class Introduction A coherent education system that prioritises the development of a range of skills and aptitudes necessary for progress in 21st-century life (in particular, for those from lower socioeconomic groups) and a labour market that concentrates on how to enhance the capabilities of workers and the quality of their work (especially for those in low- skilled work) are the twin foundations of holistic social mobility. But both require reform in the economic and social system, if they are to be built on
141 EIGHT A new politics of social mobility It’s [Social mobility is] very difficult to achieve, it’s extremely complex, we don’t know how to do it. Nobody knows how to make it popular, nobody can talk about it [in] a way that any normal person can understand. It is, in every single respect, a terrible objective for a politician. (Philip Collins, quoted in Wheeler 2013) Philip Collins, a lead writer for The Times, may also be a sociologist in disguise. If social mobility were to fade from political view, then most sociologists would shed few tears. Collins
15 TWO Social class structures and social mobility: the background context Wendy Bottero introduction Class analysis is concerned with the patterning of inequality and its consequences on the lives of those who experience it. As we shall see, ‘class’ is a slippery concept, with disagreements about its precise meaning. Where there is agreement is that ‘class’ is a question of advantage and disadvantage – about who gets what, and how. Whether we see this in terms of money, property, occupational position, cultural assets or power and influence, the
