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PART III Geopolitics and State Spatial Strategies

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after three decades of wars fought against various foreign powers. Security and sovereignty remain top concerns, particularly with ongoing territorial disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) that threaten to spark tensions with its neighbours, particularly China. While both economic and security goals are prioritized, how to balance between them poses a challenge for Hanoi. This balancing act increasingly involves infrastructure. This chapter illustrates Vietnam’s political balancing act by examining the country’s state spatial strategies (see Brenner, 2004 ) around

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spatial strategies are geared towards the transformation of state–society–nature relations in the context of a global political economy no longer centred in the US with increasing orientation towards China. Drawing on the concept of the infrastructure state, which exhibits agency in pursuit of state spatial strategies, we highlight its multiscalar nature through examples that: (a) are publicly supported by US and/or Chinese authorities; (b) are paradigmatic in their sector; and (c) generate connectivity to global value chains where the US and/or Chinese companies have

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empowerment of governments to pursue spatial strategies has coincided with the intensification of the US–China rivalry. Competition to integrate territory is the flip-side to national state spatial strategies and, indeed, many countries have adroitly responded to the emergent territorial logic of great power rivalry by hedging their relationships with the US and China ( Kuik, 2020 ). This has allowed some governments to undertake infrastructure projects that were previously unthinkable, yet often these projects are so complex and gargantuan that their achievement

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centre stage in the US–China competition in multiple infrastructure sectors and this chapter interprets its delicate balancing act as a state spatial strategy designed to advance the infrastructural components of its national development vision. Inaugurated in 2014, Kazakhstan 2050 emphasizes (trans-)national infrastructure development, and a host of state spatial projects have been launched under the banner of Nurly Zhol , which means ‘bright path’. Its overarching spatial objectives are centred around the idea that Kazakhstan can become the Eurasian Land Bridge

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accessing capital from China for infrastructure projects. We conclude that the AKP pursues international alliances that support particular domestic constituencies and allow it to justify institutional reform. Turkey’s state spatial objectives: from TRACECA to the Middle Corridor Turkey’s repertoire of state spatial strategies 4 is shaped by a number of deeply rooted imperatives established throughout its imperial and republican histories. First, there is an innate awareness among successive Turkish governments that the society is at the crossroads of a number of

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-dependent legacy of place-place state spatial strategies of the Victorians’ localist era as it was replaced by the territory-place strategies of the spatial Keynesian welfarist era. Later, place-network and scale-network forms of neoliberal state intervention were dominant in the new localism and new regionalism. Network- place state spatial strategies seem to have become the preferred face of the new localism (Jones, 2019: 37). Higher education in civil society (2014–17) This project explored the relationships between participation in higher education (HE) and engagement

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How US–China Rivalry Shapes Politics and Place Worldwide

Tensions between the US and China have escalated as both powers seek to draw countries into their respective political and economic orbits by financing and constructing infrastructure.

Wide-ranging and even-handed, this book offers a fresh interpretation of the territorial logic of US-China rivalry, and explores what it means for countries across Eurasia, Africa, and Latin America. The chapters demonstrate that many countries navigate the global infrastructure boom by articulating novel spatial objectives and implementing political and economic reforms.

By focusing on people and places worldwide, this book broadens perspectives on the US-China rivalry beyond bipolarity, and it is an essential guide to 21st century politics.

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construction continues unabated ( Walter, 2020 ). Specifically, critics of the expressway challenge the government’s assertion that it will foster ‘development’, and highlight the mixed results of both the SGR and the Thika Superhighway to validate their concerns. Even as the Thika highway, SGR, and airport expressway are the most iconic examples of the medley of visions – national, regional, and international – that inform Kenya’s state spatial strategies ( Brenner, 2004 ), they continue to be subject to withering criticism from ordinary citizens, who question the

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), 32 ( 2 ): 171 – 203 . Bräutigam , D. ( 2020 ) ‘ A critical look at “debt-trap diplomacy”: the rise of a meme ’, Area Development and Policy , 5 ( 1 ): 1 – 14 . Brenner , N. ( 2003 ) ‘ Glocalization as a state spatial strategy: urban entrepreneurialism and the new politics of uneven development in Western Europe ’, in J. Peck and H.W. Yeung (eds) Remaking the Global Economy: Economic-Geographic Perspectives , London : SAGE , pp 197 – 215 . Bridge , G. , Özkaynak , B. , and Turhan , E. ( 2018 ) ‘ Energy infrastructure and the fate of

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