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Author: Louise Ashley

our economy and society are nowadays opaque and relatively complex. In this context people take their social and cultural cues from those they see at the very top of professions, comparisons that might make a sense of inferiority more likely compared to 30 or 40 years ago. As I explore similar themes, my particular focus in this chapter is on the experience of stigma and shame originating in social class differences and how these differences affect outcomes for under-represented individuals and groups. A dictionary definition of stigma is a mark of disgrace

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239 FOURTEEN Decriminalisation and stigma Gillian Abel and Lisa Fitzgerald This chapter further examines the emotional health of sex workers, as discussed in the previous chapter, in light of the stigma that sex workers continue to experience post-decriminalisation. We draw on and develop theories of stigma and examine how sex workers themselves actively manage stigma through constructing alternative identities. Experiences of stigmatisation prevail among sex workers, brought about through negative social reactions to their occupation (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001

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Author: Ian Cummins

57 THREE Advanced marginality and stigma This chapter examines the social and psychological impacts on poverty and inequality through the concepts of ‘advanced marginality’ and ‘stigma’. The analysis of social stigma is influenced by Wacquant’s argument that the ‘underclass’ discourse not only corrodes social ties, but also the sense of self-worth of the residents of the poorest areas and communities. The majority of social work takes place in these communities, where high rates of poverty, few social resources and amenities, poor housing, high rates of

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Author: Robert Pinker

61 THREE Stigma and social welfare* Robert Pinker The contribution of social theory to the field of social policy is too often one which begins in ideology and ends in rhetoric. The subject matter of social policy contains many of the most urgent problems of our time. Consequently theories and models of social welfare tend to be highly normative, explaining how men ought to behave if they wish to accomplish certain results, as discussed in Horton (1966). Currently the two most influential theoretical formulations in social policy are based respectively on

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Author: Tracy Shildrick

113 SIX Poverty: discrimination, stigma and shame Introduction Shame is taken to be externally imposed by society, via individuals and through social institutions, but internalized and experienced as a powerful negative emotion that results in social withdrawal and powerlessness. (Walker, 2014, p 2) “They are making people feel like they are not up to scratch. Stop putting out that propaganda about scroungers. Stop trying to put fear into an already unsteady person. Stop trying to drive people by fear. You are a valuable piece of society.” (Amanda, aged

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Authors: Annette Hastings and Jo Dean

Policy & Politics vol 31 no 1 171 © The Policy Press, 2003 • ISSN 0305 5736 Challenging images: tackling stigma through estate regeneration Annette Hastings and Jo Dean English Neighbourhood regeneration initiatives in stigmatised estates have tended not to address the problem of stigma directly, but have largely assumed that an estate’s reputation will improve as material conditions on the estate improve. This article demonstrates the tenacity of stigma even in estates where large-scale regeneration initiatives are underway. It then accounts for the

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Author: Ruth Patrick

145 SIX Scroungerphobia: living with the stigma of benefits In seeking to justify and defend their programme of welfare reform, Cameron’s governments repeatedly stereotyped and stigmatised recipients of ‘welfare’ (Baumberg et al., 2012; Daguerre and Etherington, 2014). In speeches, policy documents and media interventions, they characterised ‘welfare dependants’ as ‘languishing’ on benefits, all too often exhibiting a host of problematic and deficit behaviours (cf. Cameron, 2014b; Duncan Smith, 2014a). Through repeat interviews with out-of-work benefit

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167 Targeting the ‘hard to reach’: re/producing stigma? Angella Duvnjak, angella.duvnjak@flinders.edu.au Heather Fraser, h.fraser@flinders.edu.au Flinders University, Australia Social service providers, policy makers and researchers are increasingly ‘targeting the hard to reach’. Ostensibly, targeting the hard to reach appears to be an innocuous and logical, if not laudable goal. From a critical social work perspective, however, it may be seen to pose some hazardous possibilities for oppressed and stigmatised groups, particularly in the context of welfare

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Author: Kaisa Ketokivi

349 Families, Relationships and Societies • vol 4 • no 3 • 349–63 • © Policy Press 2015 • #FRS ISSN 2046 7435 • ISSN 2046 7466 • http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674314X14151979019318 Mental illness, stigma and belonging in family relationships Kaisa Ketokivi, kaisa.ketokivi@helsinki.fi University of Helsinki, Finland This article examines how belonging in Finnish families is negotiated in the presence of mental illness. The research materials consist of in-depth interviews and figurations of significant relationships of Finnish parents of mentally ill grown

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Introduction Using the biographic narrative interpretive method (BNIM), this article explores the experiences of stigma for single women who became pregnant and mothers in Ireland between 1996 and 2010. This was a period of significant social change for Irish women, specifically in relation to social rights, reproductive rights and access to contraception and health services for women. The proportion of births occurring outside marriage increased dramatically, as Ireland moved from being one of the European countries with the lowest extramarital birth rate in

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