Nils Christie’s (1986) seminal work on the ‘Ideal Victim’ is reproduced in full in this edited collection of vibrant and provocative essays that respond to and update the concept from a range of thematic positions.
Each chapter celebrates and commemorates his work by analysing, evaluating and critiquing the current nature and impact of victim identity, experience, policy and practice. The collection expands the focus and remit of ‘victim studies’, addressing key themes around race, gender, faith, ability and age while encompassing new and diverse issues. Examples include sex workers as victims of hate crimes, victims’ experiences of online fraud, and recognising historic child sexual abuse victims in Ireland.
With contributions from an array of academics including Vicky Heap (Sheffield Hallam University), Hannah Mason-Bish (University of Sussex) and Pamela Davies (Northumbria University), as well as a Foreword by David Scott (The Open University), this book evaluates the contemporary relevance and applicability of Christie’s ‘Ideal Victim’ concept and creates an important platform for thinking differently about victimhood in the 21st century.
41 4 THE VICTIM’S PERSPECTIVE Hate crime is an attack on an individual’s actual or perceived identity or identities. As such, it is recognised that the consequences of hate crime can have longer-lasting impacts than non-hate crime (Iganski, 2008; Kees et al, 2016). There is a range of groups that are potential victims of hate crime, for example, migrants or refugees, Muslim women, disabled people, and gypsies, Travellers and Roma. Their relative stigmatised position in society means that their knowledge of, experience of and access to services will range
This practical guide provides user-friendly, concise, expert and up-to-date guidance for both new and experienced hate crime caseworkers and advocates (whether professional or volunteers). Filling a gap in the growing debates and research literature on hate crime, it takes as its starting point a values-based casework practice that provides assistance, support and leads to the empowerment of victims of hate crimes.
With core casework standards and guidance on how to respond from a person-centred approach to the victim’s perspective, it also provides an overview of current legislation in relation to prosecuting hate crimes and the current EU Directive on victim support. Full of relevant, up-to-date evidence based research and policy, it will enable practitioners to be confident and knowledgeable in supporting victims of hate crime.
Rural offenders and victims experience the same sorts of crime as their urban neighbours, but studies have found that the context and meaning of those crimes differ dramatically. Specifically, rural victims are vastly more affected by certain crimes, just as rural offenders are vastly more enabled to commit them. These differences in experience of crime are due, primarily, to the tropes or rhetorical devices used to depict and to understand rural crime. Drawing upon research by Moody (2002) , Marshall and Johnson (2005) and Youngsen et al (2021) , the
37 4 Victims’ experiences Numbers of victims In this section we explore the experiences of victims who have been contacted by the Leeds YOS and examine the different options for victim input. According to the data, during the six months between 1 April and 30 September 2004, a total number of 211 referral orders commenced with a first panel meeting. In 64 of these cases no victim was identified. Of the 147 cases in which at least one victim was identified, a victim attended a panel meeting in only 13 cases. This represents an attendance rate of less than 9
55 In order to find out how different community groups and victims felt about the effectiveness of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs), seven focus groups were conducted in communities that had been affected by high levels of anti- social behaviour and where ASBOs had been used. One of the focus groups was not directly related to specific ASBO cases, but was included in the survey to provide some insight into the attitudes of residents towards ASBOs in locations not directly affected by anti-social behaviour. Fourteen in-depth interviews with victims and
It is a key aim of current youth justice policy to introduce principles of restorative justice and involve victims in responses to crime. This is most evident in the referral order and youth offender panels established by the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999. However, the challenges involved in delivering a form of restorative youth justice that is sensitive to the needs of victims are considerable.
This report provides an illuminating evaluation of the manner in which one Youth Offending Service sought to integrate victims into the referral order process. The study affords in-depth insights into the experiences and views of victims and young people who attended youth offender panel meetings. It places these in the context of recent policy debates and principles of restorative justice.
The report tracks a 6 month cohort of cases in 2004; provides an analysis of in-depth interviews with victims, young offenders and their parents; highlights the challenges associated with integrating victims into restorative youth justice; offers recommendations with regard to the involvement of victims in referral orders.
This timely report will be of great value to youth justice policy-makers and practitioners, researchers and students of criminology and criminal justice, as well as all those interested in restorative interventions and the role of victims in the justice process.
113 EIGHT Responding to the needs of victims of Islamophobia Irene Zempi Introduction Support for victims of crime is a fundamental part of a civilised justice system. However, in the current climate of austerity – with the police, courts, prisons, probation and support services facing significant financial cuts – the criminal justice system in the UK falls short of meeting the different and changing needs of communities across the country. As I write this chapter, the police service face a 20% cut in their budget. Undoubtedly, this reality challenges the
1 one a victim-centred approach to conceptualising ‘hate crime’ While it might seem unwise to open a book by picking apart its title, it is a necessary step in unfolding the argument in the following pages. The term ‘hate crime’ has no legal status in the UK. No law uses the term. Yet the police and other criminal justice agents have enthusiastically embraced it. This has occurred in the decade since the then ‘New’ Labour government introduced penalty enhancement for racially aggravated offences under section 28 of the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act, the
