The “Maidan” uprising in Kiev led to the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovich in
February and a complete overhaul of Ukraine’s political system. The uprising that
began in November 2013 was marked by clashes between police, street fighters,
and protesters, which killed over 100 people.
Yanukovich’s overthrow, and a law that would have disfavored the Russian lan-
guage, which the interim president vetoed, prompted violent clashes in south-
eastern Ukraine between pro and anti-Kiev protesters. May clashes in Odessa
alone left 46 people dead. After Russia
Euromaidan and the echoes
of the Orange Revolution: comparing
social infrastructures and resistance
practices of protest camps in
What was striking to me when I first entered Maidan was
the highest level of self-consciousness and self-organisation.
There is…no police, but you feel so calm and comfortable
as you have not felt for quite some time. And only later,
when you leave this ‘Island of Freedom’ and see people
wearing uniforms again, you just feel physical disagreement:
‘why are they here?’ (Roman,1
Russia’s aggression against Ukraine triggered a devastating humanitarian crisis, including massive casualties and the unprecedented displacement of Ukrainians. Over 6 million refugees have fled Ukraine and 8 million people were internally displaced by May 2022 ( International Organization for Migration, 2022 ). This emergency of historic proportions has had especially dire consequences for women, who comprise roughly 90 per cent of those who have fled the country and 60 per cent of those displaced. We highlight some of the ripple effects of this in Poland
An undeclared war erupted between Russia and Ukraine in 2014 that produces a handful of casualties every day. This fails to stir emotions the way the tragic death of an individual or the statistics of mass violence would. Yet, the steady bleed of human and financial capital since 2014 amounts to over 13,000 dead, 1.5 million people displaced, and almost 10 per cent of Ukrainian territory laid to waste and ruin. 1 Political rhetoric pays tribute to the heroism of the armed forces, who are depicted as ‘defenders’, in memorial shrines, monuments and urban murals
After the Euromaidan protests in 2013/14, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer (LGBTQ) community in Ukraine used the momentum to increase its visibility and build a strong network of local and international partners and allies. The continuous support of Western partners and the persistent work of Ukrainian civil society activists resulted in some advancements, such as introducing an anti-discrimination amendment to the Labour Code in 2015. Despite some progress, however, the rights of the LGBTQ community have never been a priority for any of the major
This chapter examines the nature of white-collar criminality in Ukraine. Post-Soviet states have been described as ‘states with flexible legality’ (Wedel, 2005 ), where politicians, ministers and public officials have enjoyed unlimited powers. This chapter analyzes the concept of politically driven white-collar criminality and its harmful influence within otherwise legal entrepreneurship in the Ukrainian context as well as in overtly illegal activities.
The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020–21 has brought heightened consideration of the role of the
COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on urban life, with governments choosing various measures to mitigate its consequences. During the first wave of the pandemic, some countries, such as Ukraine, introduced a lockdown, closing airports and public places, and encouraging its citizens to quarantine. Others, like Belarus, preferred a ‘laissez-faire’ approach, ignoring COVID-19 while comparing it to the seasonal flu. This chapter analyzes the gender-related consequences of these nations’ differing approaches to containing the pandemic in their
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has challenged the accepted international order and resulted in the first-ever deployment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Response Force under the remit of collective defence. It has also raised questions about the future relevance of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda encapsulated in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the follow-up resolutions. Primarily, if the WPS agenda is not invoked now given the highly gendered nature of the war, including the use of conflict-related sexual and
Offering a perceptive study of the urgent human rights issue of trafficking in persons, this important book analyses the development and effectiveness of public policies across Eurasia.
Drawing on multi-method research in the region, Laura A. Dean explores the factors behind anti-trafficking strategies and the role of governments and activists in combating labour and sexual exploitation. She examines the intersection of global strategies and state-by-state approaches, and uses the diffusion of innovation framework to cast new light on the impetus and implementation of different policy typologies.
Identifying the strengths, weaknesses, and best practices in human trafficking policies around Eurasia, Dean’s book will appeal to a wide range of students, scholars, practitioners, and policy makers.
From corporate corruption and the facilitation of money laundering, to food fraud and labour exploitation, European citizens continue to be confronted by serious corporate and white-collar crimes.
Presenting an original series of provocative essays, this book offers a European framing of white-collar crime. Experts from different countries foreground what is unique, innovative or different about white-collar and corporate crimes that are so strongly connected to Europe, including the tensions that exist within and between the nation-states of Europe, and within the institutions of the European region.
This European voice provides an original contribution to discourses surrounding a form of crime which is underrepresented in current criminological literature.