Collection: Global Discourse Editors’ Choice

 

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Editors' Choice Collection Global Discourse

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For most political science scholars, populism is conceived as a domestic phenomenon. For decades, populism has been considered either as a democratic deviation that threatens the rule of law or as a legitimate discourse that encourages participation. Beyond this ongoing debate, it is necessary to consider whether populism has had effects on regional integration or cooperation. Such is the case with Latin American Pink Tide governments, most of which were populists. Those regimes were different from the most well-known Latin American populist leaders, such as Juan Domingo Perón, Getúlio Vargas, or Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra, as new leftist governments promoted a regional cooperation framework. In 2004, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America (ALBA) was founded; two years later, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) was created; and in 2008, this was the case for the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). Unlike traditional populists, who focused their interests on domestic politics, this new radical populism has had a regional scope. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to explore how populism has been reshaping regional cooperation in Latin America and the Caribbean over the last 20 years. The research is divided into three parts. First, we explore the causes of the reemergence of populism in Latin America from the 2000s. Second, we analyze how Pink Tide populisms proposed and institutionalized a regional integration and cooperation framework on three fronts: ALBA, UNASUR, and CELAC. Finally, we discuss the current relevance of populism to regional integration dynamics, two decades after the Pink Tide populist governments’ appearance.

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This article examines how the Constitutional Court of Colombia (CCC) balances its role as guardian of the Colombian constitutional order while engaging in regional integration processes across Latin America. Through an analysis of constitutional theory, institutional development and the Colombian political context since 1991, the study explores how the Court interprets constitutional integration clauses while navigating increasing populist pressures. Moving beyond reductionist views of populism as mere demagoguery, the article analyses case studies of two contrasting populist leaders: conservative authoritarian Álvaro Uribe (2002–10) and progressive reformist Gustavo Petro (2022–26). By examining the theoretical foundations of constitutional guardianship and the institutional framework within which the Court operates, this analysis highlights the complex relationship between constitutional courts, regional integration and populist challenges in Latin America. The findings demonstrate how the CCC has developed judicial approaches that, while focused on domestic constitutional matters, contribute to broader regional judicial discourse. This theoretical exploration underscores how constitutional courts can shape regional integration processes while safeguarding their domestic institutional legitimacy. The Colombian experience offers valuable insights into the evolving role of constitutional courts in balancing national sovereignty with regional legal developments in an era of rising populism.

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The year 2024 marks 25 years since ‘Chavismo’ took office in Venezuela. Commencing with Hugo Chávez in 1999, and continuing with Nicolás Maduro (2013–), the Bolivarian revolution has challenged local and foreign elites by retaking control of the country’s oil industry, rejected US hegemony, and promoted greater political and economic independence through the integration of Latin America and the Caribbean. While Chávez and Maduro’s populist rhetoric has been evident during both presidencies, both leaders have differed in the effectiveness of their speeches and media presence. Also, while Venezuela’s push for regional integration has continued in recent years despite serious setbacks to such projects as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America – People’s Trade Treaty (ALBA–TCP), Petrocaribe, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the effectiveness of Caracas’ foreign policy has diminished under Maduro due to the impact of US economic sanctions, a decline in global oil prices from 2014 onwards and changing administrations in Brasilia from the progressive presidencies of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Vana Rousseff (2003–16) to the hard-right governments of Michel Temer and Jair Bolsonaro (2016–23). Analysing these developments and the rift between Caracas and Brasilia over the 2024 presidential election result in Venezuela, this article will explore some of the trajectories of Caracas’ foreign policy towards the promotion of regionalism in the Americas while seeking to contrast some of the successes and failures between the Chávez and Maduro administrations.

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