Collection: Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Collection
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Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Collection
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This article maps the field of substantive representation of social groups and carves out a new research agenda. Examining a database of 313 publications, we identify patterns in what is studied in the field and how it is studied. Our findings suggest that while scholarship on the substantive representation of social groups has expanded over the years, many studies still predominantly (1) analyse the representation of women in (2) the governmental sphere, while adopting a focus on (3) a single country, (4) a single group and (5) a single axis. Comparative work across countries and groups is more scarce. We therefore argue in favour of a comparative research agenda that prioritises more cross-country and cross-group research on the substantive representation of social groups using pluralistic research methods. This direction offers distinct advantages for answering new research questions, exploring diversity in how the substantive representation of social groups takes place, identifying broader patterns across different contexts and groups, and formulating new explanations on the occurrence and quality of the substantive representation of social groups.
Considerable evidence demonstrates that perceiving oneself as an object of discrimination has negative consequences for mental health. However, little is known about whether this experience is more or less harmful in distinct phases of the life course, consistent with the life course principle of timing; or whether, in accord with the principle of lifespan development, it has long-term implications. We draw on longitudinal data addressing perceived workplace discrimination based on race/ethnicity and gender from the prospective Youth Development Study, covering early adulthood to midlife. Hierarchical linear modelling of the effects of discrimination on depressed mood indicates that both forms of discrimination have short-term (within life stages) and long-term (across stages) adverse effects on adult mental health. The impacts of perceived discrimination within stages on depressed mood appear to be greatest in the mid-30s and to weaken by midlife. Lingering effects of discrimination are more pronounced early on. These patterns are observed with controls for key time-varying negative experiences at work and personal socio-economic status, as well as invariant background characteristics (gender, race and parental socio-economic status). We consider these findings in relation to the dynamics of personal change in the context of occupational careers.
Innovations in monetary design continue to develop alongside insights from heterodox schools of thought, notably ecological economics. Feminist approaches, however, have lacked some critical purchase on the issue, guided by a feminist economics tradition which reflects certain ideas about value from neoliberal economic orthodoxy – including on the neutrality of money. This article situates discussion of the principles of money in the context of COVID-19, interpreting a paradox of hope for monetary design as the need to close an ‘epistemological gap’ between money and either the value of speech or the materiality of bodies. Using a post-structural analysis of the governing tendencies of ‘fiat money’, the article demonstrates possibilities and risks for feminist interventions in monetary re-design. The conclusions offer a biopolitical interpretation of Christine Desan’s influential ‘constitutional approach’ to money as a form of vulnerability for citizens, and the need for feminist political economy to uphold a referential gap in money’s design, looking to innovations beyond the state.
The commonly used definition of philanthropy used in Western scholarship excludes many Muslim acts of philanthropy. This definition privileges Western scholarly framing of philanthropy, which has been heavily informed by scientific approaches to philanthropy. This article argues that this framing of philanthropy limits our understanding of Muslim philanthropy and should not be privileged over other cultural and religious traditions’ notions of philanthropy. Muslim philanthropy is explored by examining theological and cultural sources in order to point towards a broader conception of philanthropy within an Islamic context. It illustrates the challenges of strict adherence to the Western definition of philanthropy for scholars of Muslim philanthropy. Ultimately, the article suggests a framework that the field of philanthropic studies can use to go beyond its Western-centric definition to be more inclusive of other cultural and faith perspectives, and proposes that Muslim philanthropy should be interpreted as a discursive tradition.
Chapter 1 introduces the main topic and purpose of the book, namely to challenge the notion that the French republican model is colorblind, as it seeks to present itself, and that it cannot therefore be racist because of its commitment to a colorblind legal equality. The chapter presents the specific goals of the book regarding the absence and rejection of racial categories in the French census and other institutions, and the denial attached to this absence. The chapter also briefly introduces the premise of the contentious debates in France over the notion of race and the taboo surrounding it. Chapter 1 concludes by presenting the book’s structure and outline.
This article examines how recent welfare reform in the UK has caused systemic violence to people with severe disabilities who are reliant on state benefits. It evaluates the underpinning discourse framings and changes in welfare policies, using concepts of debility and recognition to reveal the inherent contradictions in policies targeting people on the ‘wrong side of inequality’. To help contribute to a recognition of the impact of these changes, the article gives voice to six people with severe disabilities who, through their benefit stories, expose the impact of this violence. Despite these injustices, their stories reveal lives lived with great courage and resilience, and worthy of much greater recognition.
Twenty years ago, Disability Hate Crime was unheard of in England and Wales. Disability Hate Crime is today a significant criminal justice concern. This book addresses how Disability Hate Crime moved from invisibility to policy action. This chapter sets out the book’s themes, which focus on the contributions of activism, politics and policy making to the Disability Hate Crime policy agenda; the challenges of a pervasive focus on vulnerability in Disability Hate Crime; and ableism as a prejudicial ideology fuelling Disability Hate Crime. This chapter introduces the book’s organizing and analytical policy concepts of the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, problem representation and problematization as they apply to Disability Hate Crime.
This introductory chapter explains how the book draws on postcolonial and decoloniality studies to challenge exceptionalist narratives and Eurocentric epistemologies that underly the fields of refugee and forced migration studies. Scholarship from disciplines such as international relations, sociology, criminology, and political science often reveals a curious silence on the continuities of colonialism and historical legacies that inform contemporary refugee phenomena. Postcolonial and decolonial critiques, however, offer ways to move beyond certain dominating analytics of Western thinking and geographies about displacement – the nation-state, border control and humanitarianism. This chapter surveys several productive critiques from postcolonial scholarly engagement with the field of refugee and forced migration policy. Using postcolonial theoretical approaches, the volume as a whole interrogates how the control, securitization, policing and surveillance of mobility follows racialized and geopolitical patterns with colonial and historical roots. Contributors represent a variety of disciplines and employ a creative array of methodological and theoretical tools. Their work requires careful assemblage of social and political theory, historical archival research, and careful analysis to link those histories to the present. The Introduction ends with a brief synopsis of each of the book’s chapters.
The Australian social work accrediting body has set diversity as an agenda for education and practice. Universities and the social work field have also attempted to adhere to principles of diversity. However, despite progressive approaches and improvement, diversity has been challenged by the whiteness of Australian social work and the neoliberal agenda across both workplaces and universities. The dominant narrative of Australian social work still reflects Western values, power and privileges. This article argues that embracing diversity in social work education needs the ongoing adoption of critical pedagogy, including critical theories, and maintaining inclusiveness for diverse students. Social work practice settings also need progressive approaches to include diverse groups of marginalised people, a commitment to diversity and support for social workers to develop cultural competency and humility. Transnational relationships within different countries and nations can help social work move from ethnocentrism to multiculturalism.
This article critically examines the impact of health and social care provision on separated categories of race, disability and neurodivergence. It deconstructs the racist impacts of the neoliberal individual budgets agenda as experienced by a young Black African person with intellectual disabilities and autism, living as a second-generation migrant in the UK. This article highlights intersectional methodological and practice implications for health and social care provision within England and Wales. The erasure of intersectional race, intellectual disability and neurodivergent identities in UK health and social care policies and practice procedures results in the invisibility, misrecognition and consequential misdiagnosis of the intersectional complexities of the needs and entitlements of young black people. The convergence of racist, disablist and elitist neoliberal agendas is identified as leading to increased risks of incarceration for young black people with intellectual disabilities and autism. The specificity of the individual needs of young black people with intellectual disabilities and autism demand anti-racist approaches that confront the assumption that Black African families in the UK ‘look after their own’ and require minimal social care involvement.
