Criminology > Criminology
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Since its founding, Convict Criminology (CC) has evolved into an international approach, group, organisation, and network with a relatively coherent set of objectives. Although little thought was put into CC’s development beyond the US, the original intent of CC was primarily to develop a network of individuals who were united around its core ideas. Due to both the constraints of international travel for ex-convicts and the financial burden for people to travel, originally it made best sense for people interested in the CC perspective to meet at the local level. Over time, because of advances in telecommunication platforms like Facetime, Skype, and Zoom, members of the CC network realised that meeting face-to-face on a regular basis was not necessary. Thus, the importance of local or even national approaches to CC were not necessary. This paper briefly examines the international components of CC and the authors’ views that, while individual country groups of CC members may have been advantageous in the early stages of CC, it is no longer necessary, if not counterproductive.
The involvement of men in efforts to challenge men’s violence is a crucial component for eradicating gender-based violence (GBV) and for disrupting the continued responsibilisation of women and survivors for addressing the problem at various scales. But as men’s participation in the field has evolved and become increasingly professionalised, so tensions have emerged regarding what happens when men enter women-majority professional and movement anti-violence spaces. Via a feminist discourse analysis, this article explores how men active in the violence against women and girls (VAWG) sector and movement conceptualise and negotiate the challenges associated with the reproduction of patriarchal privilege in the context of their work or activism. Analysis points to how gender inequalities and masculine norms are both instrumentalised as well as entrenched, even when men ‘allies’ seek to challenge them. Moreover, findings indicate how men’s often elevated status in anti-violence practice and movement spaces can be used to resource a type of ‘entrepreneurial masculinity’ which obstructs structural change as regards gendered norms and expectations. This article offers an empirical and theoretical contribution to the expanding literature on men’s role(s) in the prevention of men’s violence against women and minoritised genders, and the ways in which gendered privilege operates therein.
Works of historical criminology do not have to be disinterested studies of past crime-related phenomena. Instead, they can represent practical attempts to intervene in the politics of crime and justice in the present. This article takes this claim to a critical conclusion; historical research in criminology can function as a weapon in contemporary political struggles and a way of injecting radical politics into criminological studies. To demonstrate this point, the article scrutinises the ways in which early critical criminologists in the US engaged in historical research as a way of doing politics and activism. To such criminologists, doing historical research was a form of praxis. Focusing on the works produced at the Berkeley School of Criminology in the 1970s, the article shows that the nurture of a historical interest was deemed to be a vital step in the development of a critical paradigm within American criminology.
This article explores the process of ‘identity erasure’ that is a feature of domestic violence and abuse. Data are taken from semi-structured narrative-style interviews with 14 women who had experienced abuse from a male partner.
I draw on Erving Goffman’s () work on ‘total institutions’. Goffman uses the term ‘mortification’ in describing the attacks on identity and self that occur in ‘total institutions’ such as psychiatric hospitals, prisons and concentration camps. These attacks take the form of: loss of contact with the outside world, ritual degradation, the removal of possessions, and lack of control. Their effect is to erase the inmate’s prior identity, and render them compliant.
For the women who participated in this study, their abusers attempted to achieve compliance by adopting many of the tactics that Goffman describes. Drawing on participants’ words, I discuss some of the behaviours adopted by their abusive partners: isolation from support networks, surveillance, deprivation of privacy, and dispossession. I argue that, for women, the home/abusive relationship becomes a total institution. Understanding the abusive household as a ‘total institution’ can help friends, family and professionals to more fully appreciate, and therefore provide women with more appropriate help to overcome, the barriers to leaving.
The FATF has clearly set the rules, meaning various nations, businesses and agencies are expected to follow anti-money laundering efforts if they want to appear effective. Yet, as this chapter explains, the cat and mouse game occurring worldwide between supervisors, or regulatory authorities (the cats) and the reporting entities (the mice) is fraught with many challenges at many levels. Challenges associated with supervisory oversight, effectiveness and integrity can all influence how compliance is reviewed. Add in international and regional regulatory authorities and the scope for abuse of power and political influence can increase dramatically.
The global AML regime does not work, costs a fortune, lacks any performance measures, and has lost its clear anti-crime philosophy. The focus on compliance to regulations lacks a moral purpose and a clear direction. Yet there are clear successes to build on. The FATF has created a global and national institutional framework. Tried and tested laws exist and there is genuine expertise everywhere, plus a willing army of skilled staff. The regime lacks leadership and an underpinning philosophy. Consequently, the resources are very badly placed. The authors suggest a return to basic principles and a focus on international illicit money flows, not national shortcomings.
Specific institutions are identified as best placed to put the regime back on track.
Much of global dirty money comes from corruption. The authors explain that corruption has no agreed definition or meaningful statistics. To try to make sense of corruption, policy makers have split grand corruption from petty corruption; in much the same way that policy makers have split money laundering from its predicate crimes. This artificial division has created similar debilitating confusion for practitioners.
The authors suggest that between grand corruption and petty corruption lies police corruption because this is a crucial enabler of both. The normalisation of police corruption allows the corrupt to keep their dirty money.
Many developing countries have Anti-Corruption Commissions modelled on the atypical jurisdictions of Hong Kong and Singapore. These have been set up over the last 20 years using donated money and skills from wealthy countries.
International bribery is a major source of dirty money. Although this can be investigated, there is no international infrastructure to prosecute or recover the money.
The 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center in New York sent countering terrorist finance (CFT) to the top of the global agenda. The task of implementation was given to the anti-money laundering (AML) agencies as the FATF had built a global network of Financial Intelligence Units. Although that attack was financed, most terrorist attacks are inexpensive and tracking the money before it is used for terrorism is a significant challenge.
The authors discuss the unhappy marriage of AML and CFT and explore the technical contrasts between the two phenomena. They conclude that the marriage is acceptable because the war on terror raises the level of political will for AML.
The temporary nature of United Nations sanctions as a weapon against dirty money is explored and its long-term efficacy questioned.
This chapter questions whether Financial Intelligence Units are the biggest black hole of all black holes in the fight against dirty money. FIUs hold a tremendous amount of data and questions are asked as to whether the increasing amount of data is becoming problematic and whether we are still unsure as to what an FIU is. The chapter reviews how the data held by FIUs is rarely shared with those who need it and how the location of an FIU can influence the progress being made to prevent, detect and prosecute money laundering offences.
