Business, Management, and Economics

The high-quality academic books, upper-level student texts and journal articles on our Business, Management and Economics list offer fresh perspectives on the economy, the future of work and organisations, and the relationship between business and addressing global social challenges.  

The list is home to a number of series including Organizations and Activism and Feminist Perspectives on Work and Organization, all of which are edited by leading scholars from the field, along with our journals in the area: Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice, Work in the Global Economy and Global Political Economy.

Business, Management and Economics

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In this chapter, the authors conclude with answers to a set of questions that can help people reflect on their philanthropy, and they outline the additional understanding that could be delivered by further research. They also provide a set of action steps, based on this research, that people who are contemplating their own philanthropic journeys can take.

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In this chapter, the authors focus on a particular form of self, the essential or true self – that is, who philanthropists believe they truly are, were born to be or are meant to be. They first define what the essential self means, then explain how this essential self can be experienced, developed and expressed in the context of one’s philanthropy. They also explore how identity ceding can enhance these essential self-related processes and how the essential self is experienced in the five elements of self.

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In this chapter, the authors take the discussion of people’s sense of self to the next level and describe a particular self-transformation process that can provide a rich source of meaning for an individual’s philanthropy: identity ceding. Identity ceding is defined as a psychological process through which people willingly allow their sense of self to be transformed in order to achieve the goals they share with a community. Identity ceding can be experienced in five different elements of self: the agentic self; the object self; the experiential self; the represented self; and the meta-self. The authors define these terms and explain how they link together to provide a holistic sense of self. This chapter is by far the most conceptually challenging of all chapters in this book. It is also where the central thesis of the book begins to emerge. The authors describe the pivotal connection between what people do in their philanthropy, who they are as a person and how they relate to the community in which their philanthropy is grounded.

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The opening chapter explains the purpose and nature of the research project on which this book is based. It provides a profile of interviewees and maps out how the interviews were undertaken. The chapter also locates the study in the wider literature on philanthropy and high-net-worth giving.

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In this chapter, the authors consider meaning and meaningfulness. They explain that meaning is not only experienced as the sense we make of something or what it signifies, but also the process through which the sense is made. Meaningfulness derives not only from how significant we judge our experiences to be, but also from the process of allowing this sense of significance to emerge over time. The authors explore these concepts in the context of what people do in their philanthropy and the impact they create. They then extend the discussion to how meaning can also be experienced in association with people’s object self, agentic self and meta-self.

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The Person Behind the Giving
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With unparalleled access to some of the world’s most reflective and thoughtful philanthropists, this book explores the philanthropic journeys of 48 high net worth individuals (HNWIs) and ultra-high net worth individuals (UHNWIs) to uncover the person behind the giving.

Their stories reveal the difference between the meaning they experience and the impact their philanthropy makes. Through the lens of philanthropic psychology, the authors examine how philanthropists experience their giving and the psychological challenges they need to overcome.

This fascinating book provides a unique guide for new and experienced philanthropists and their trusted advisers and fundraisers in the creation of more meaningful philanthropic experiences.

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In this chapter, the authors outline additional paths to meaningful philanthropy by leveraging the learning derived in the preceding chapters. They cover the concepts of authenticity, transcendence, self-efficacy, self-worth and coherence. They also differentiate identity ceding from general self-transcendence and specify the directionality that is inherent in philanthropic decisions. Then, they explore why these paths to meaningful philanthropy can help sustain philanthropic journeys in the long term, how they can help families create the most meaningful philanthropic journeys for each individual family member and how a person’s philanthropic experience can enhance the meaning and purpose that they can ascribe to their life.

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In this chapter, the authors define two key concepts used repeatedly by interviewees to describe the nature of their philanthropic experiences: psychological ownership – ‘that state in which individuals feel as though the target of ownership (material or immaterial in nature) or a piece of it is “theirs”’ (Pierce et al, 2001, p 299); and moral conviction – a strong and absolute belief or attitude that something is right or wrong, moral or immoral (Skitka et al, 2021). Specially, interviewees differentiate the ownership they experience of domains from the ownership they experience over processes. The purpose of this chapter is not to superficially conclude that everyone takes ownership over their philanthropy or that everyone considers moral conviction important. To the contrary, the authors use these concepts to illustrate how diverse the interviewees’ philanthropic experiences are. Whether they take ownership and experience moral conviction, how they experience these processes and what they ultimately experience are all different for the interviewees. So how can we understand and support people’s philanthropic journeys in the face of such differences? To best answer that question requires that we develop a deeper level of analysis, looking at the person behind the giving and thus who the person is who is taking psychological ownership and deciding on moral convictions. This chapter begins that journey.

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In this chapter, the authors define types of identity that people can label themselves with: moral identity; personal identity; and relational identity. They also provide examples of how these different forms of identity can be expressed through giving. They do not offer any prescriptions here about the kind of definition of the self that will create the most meaningful philanthropy. Rather, they suggest that to explore meaning, it is first necessary to understand how people choose which labels they want to use to define themselves (in different situations) and how they define what these labels mean to them.

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As I argued in the preceding chapter, it makes sense, in the context of an incorporated comparison concerned with processes of deindustrialization, to zoom in on Western Europe and examine different national cases that reflect the variegation of global capitalism. Britain bears hallmarks of a liberal market economy. Accordingly, the institutions characterizing the British political economy reflect the assumption that the market mechanism allocates resources efficiently: the regulation of the financial sector is comparably ‘light’ (see Gallas, 2010; Tooze, 2018); for-profit, private sector companies and public–private partnerships play an important role in delivering public services (Flinders, 2005; Gallas, 2016: 241–2); and economic inequality is higher than in the other Western European countries. Indeed, economic liberalism has deep roots in the country. Paired with colonialism and imperialism, it was a prominent feature of government policy in the age of the British empire in the 19th century. Back then, leading politicians had been promoting the erection of a ‘world market’ based on ‘free trade’ (Arrighi, 1994: 47–58; Gallas, 2008: 283; 2016: 76, 134–5). After the Second World War, economic and social policy shifted. Under the postwar settlement between capital and labour, full employment and benefits were traded for union acquiescence. A welfare state was erected, and successive governments started to experiment with Keynesianism and corporatism. But in reaction to a deep crisis of the British political economy and a wave of rank-and-file militancy on the side of organized labour, leading politicians re-embraced, from the mid-1970s onwards, ‘free market’ ideas.

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