Politics and International Relations > Foreign Policy

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This article reconstructs the contemporary experience of the crisis in South America as part of the continuing crisis of the peripheral neoliberal state, focusing on the cases of Argentina and Brazil. Comprehensively exploring the implications of the demise of ‘neodevelopmentalism’ as a progressive politics and a specific relation of forces in the Southern Cone of Latin America, it tackles the recent backlash and ‘turbo-charged’ neoliberal experiments carried out in both countries, delivering a novel understanding of the situated nature of the ‘age of crisis’ and an insight into the prospects and challenges for a transformative praxis worldwide.

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This article critically reviews the concept of political masculinities that has been developed and applied across disciplines over the last ten years. I reflect on its future use across disciplines and, in particular, political science. In arguing for its continued utility, I suggest that, rather than existing as a category or configuration of gender practice, it acts as a useful lens through which to view the variably implicit and explicit practice of gendered power relations. This allows us to navigate what has been recognised as the ‘multifariousness and decentredness’ of different categories or configurations of gender practice and makes the varying politicalness of these practices visible as a basis for equitable gender change. In developing the concept further, I define what is ‘political’ in political masculinities and examine its relation to other categories or configurations of masculinity practices, such as hegemonic, dominant, marginalised and subordinate masculinities.

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This article has two aims. Firstly, to highlight a general marginalisation of queer and trans voices within the environmental/ecological movement. Secondly, to identify and explore some contemporary efforts to overcome these tensions and forge closer alliances between queer and green politics. Drawing on queer and trans ecology literatures, we highlight the radical potential that closer synergy between the progressive goals and activities of environmentalist and LGBTQIA2+ politics can bring about. Examining the online content of a number of activist organisations and platforms, we highlight some of the ways in which the queering of green politics and the greening of queer politics are being given practical contemporary expression. In doing so, we highlight the space that this type of politics can create for a reimagining of alternative ecological futures and a more progressive political economy based around a transformation of relationships both within human populations and between humans and other-than-human species and ecologies.

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This paper draws on findings from the JustEd study to discuss the shallow pedagogies that have emerged in Peru in the context of learner-centred and outcomes-based reforms that have been poorly implemented in a context with many limitations in terms of policy orientations, resources, and teacher training and support. These pedagogies promote little to no critical thinking, are disconnected from students’ experiences and do not encourage them to problematise reality nor to grasp complexity. Such pedagogies constitute a form of epistemic injustice in that they do not help to develop students’ capacity to participate as equals in the consumption and production of knowledge. Through this, these pedagogies also limit education’s potential contributions to justice, peace and sustainability. Our discussion of shallow pedagogies leads us to articulate some more positive elements of what rich and just pedagogies might entail.

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As the impacts of the climate crisis are being increasingly felt, a critical part of the solution is said to be the issue of mobilising climate finance. Particularly for the Global South, climate finance is crucial for sustainable development; to simultaneously meet the challenges of the climate crisis while addressing issues around economic development, health, poverty and beyond. Yet at present, Southern progress is being held back by ongoing and evolving patterns of Northern neo-coloniality, including through finance and debt relationships. In a context where the mainstream approach to mobilising climate finance – centring private finance, derisked by the state – reflects the dominance of US-style market-based finance, climate finance in this form simply risks becoming a new mechanism by which Southern countries are exposed to new types of subordination and dependence. Instead, structural changes and policy space is required for the Global South to break away from Northern financial dependence. The Bridgetown Agenda and calls for a new Bretton Woods moment are important steps in this direction. However, in addition such countries need the ability to develop financial institutions and regulatory structures that can simultaneously direct credit towards priority areas, regulate capital flows, and develop infrastructure that is democratically owned and oriented towards the needs of public and environment.

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The literature commonly assumes that social policy hinders labour mobility and reallocation across jobs and sectors. Particularly neo-classical economics posits that there is a trade-off between ‘security’ (social policy) and ‘efficiency’ (labour reallocation and employing workers in jobs where they are most productive). In a sample of 12 OECD countries between 2000 and 2008, this article shows that, as opposed to the common trade-off assumption, social policy supports greater labour reallocation across sectors. Furthermore, labour market dualisation as a result of the growth of ‘cheap labour’ reduces labour mobility across jobs and sectors. A higher share of ‘cheap labour’, defined as workers in low-paid jobs with little or no protection, segregates the labour market between ‘undesirable’ sectors (where cheap labour is employed) and desirable sectors (where wages are higher, and social protection is more expansive). This segregation impedes movement across sectors due to the fear of falling into an ‘undesirable’ sector. The social policy provides a safety net and helps bridge the labour market divide across sectors and hence positively contributes to inter-sectoral mobility.

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Although equal pay for equal work between women and men is a founding principle of the European Union, enshrined in the Treaties since 1957, the gender pay gap stands at 12.7 per cent in 2021 and has only changed minimally for two decades. This article explores a policymaking paradox: the EU equal pay policy seems unaffected by failure, on the contrary, failure seems to contribute to the legitimisation of the policy. The article asks how and why a policy implementation failure framing has been developed in the field of EU equal pay promotion? What is the political function of this framing and what is its impact on the EU policymaking process? Over the years, the EU equal pay policy has been associated with a repeated experience of implementation failure. This failure framing has been particularly present in the debates over the implementation of the 2006 Recast Directive, especially since this frame has been impelled by the quantitative and symbolic strength of the gender pay gap’s percentage. The article shows that this framing performed important functions. From a policymaking perspective, the implementation failure framing allowed the gender equality policy community to keep the issue firmly on the EU agenda and to ride out the dismantling storm. The article also shows that the analytical definition of what constitutes a policy failure should be more nuanced. To conclude, the article asks if this type of failure framing can continue to produce results in an increasingly polarised context such as that of gender equality.

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While the events leading up to the nation’s first ban of critical race theory, Idaho’s House Bill 377, was attention-grabbing given the controversy and salience of the issues, its implementation has been lacklustre as these issues have faded from the agenda. This article uses the multiple streams framework (MSF) to unravel these events and understand both why Idaho tackled the CRT (critical race theory) ‘problem’ and how problem framing around indoctrination impacted the progression of this policy through agenda-setting to implementation. Findings from this small-scale qualitative study illustrate how Idaho politics provided fertile ground for entrepreneurs to seize on indoctrination from educational institutions perceived to be overly liberal or ‘leftist’ and couple it with proposals to ban CRT. Following adoption, though, entrepreneurs failed to influence decisions within universities with the same efficaciousness. This caused streams to decouple, as faculty did not accept the indoctrination narrative, leading to some disruption in teaching practices but inconsistent implementation overall. As well as analysing this important empirical case, this article highlights important theoretical issues for MSF, such as the mechanisms of decoupling and the reliability of information in shaping policy narratives, and how they operate across the latter stages of the policy process, namely policy adoption and implementation.

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