Back to ‘things themselves’: breaking the cycle of misrepresentation when serving African Canadian youth

Author: Kuir ë Garang1
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  • 1 York University, , Canada
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Bureaucratic discourses informed by legacies of slavery and colonisation create traumatising experiences among African Canadian youth in social, educational and law-enforcement institutions in Canada. These discourses create the already-known-people paradigm and are then exacerbated by the effects of neoliberal policies and managerialist administrations to produce an unfortunate social condition in which system professionals discount what these youth say about experiential marginality and social injustice. This means that African Canadian youth end up being understood by system professionals from administrative discourses or from historical assumptions. Using phenomenology, I argue in this article that focusing on the experiences of these youth in time when assessing or making decisions about them may help to reduce stereotyping and stigmatisation, and to highlight normalised social injustices. Consequently, focusing on behaviour-in-time as opposed to behaviour-in-discourse may allow system professionals to operationalise administrative discourses without downplaying behaviour-in-time, which is important in service provision.

Abstract

Bureaucratic discourses informed by legacies of slavery and colonisation create traumatising experiences among African Canadian youth in social, educational and law-enforcement institutions in Canada. These discourses create the already-known-people paradigm and are then exacerbated by the effects of neoliberal policies and managerialist administrations to produce an unfortunate social condition in which system professionals discount what these youth say about experiential marginality and social injustice. This means that African Canadian youth end up being understood by system professionals from administrative discourses or from historical assumptions. Using phenomenology, I argue in this article that focusing on the experiences of these youth in time when assessing or making decisions about them may help to reduce stereotyping and stigmatisation, and to highlight normalised social injustices. Consequently, focusing on behaviour-in-time as opposed to behaviour-in-discourse may allow system professionals to operationalise administrative discourses without downplaying behaviour-in-time, which is important in service provision.

Introduction

Bureaucratic discourses informed by legacies of slavery and colonisation continue to fuel societal prejudgements and cause traumatising experiences among African Canadian1 youth in social, educational and law-enforcement institutions (Maynard, 2017; Lopez, 2020). This already-known-people paradigm produces an unfortunate social condition in which system professionals2 prejudge African Canadian youth and discount first-hand narratives regarding social justice. This has greatly affected the nature and the quality of services received by these historically marginalised communities (Chapman and Withers, 2019; Yearwood et al, 2021). In addition to legacies of slavery and colonisation, service provision to these youth has also been affected by neoliberal policies in recent years (Macias, 2015; Hyslop, 2016; Strier, 2019).3

This article is therefore a phenomenological reminder to social workers and other system professionals regarding first-hand experience as a heuristic when supporting youth at the margin of Canadian society. Ideally, system professionals are trained to practise what Du Bois (1999 [1903]: 227) would call a ‘careful inquiry and a patient openness to conviction’. This, however, is not always the case (Maynard, 2017). For young African Canadians, however, a ‘careful inquiry and a patient openness to conviction’ are habitually replaced by stereotypes, stigmas and prejudgements informed by bureaucratic and historical discourses (Garang, 2019). In this already-known-people paradigm, young people are denied the chance to conclude ‘I am…. We are….’ from first-hand experiences. They are historically locked inside a socially deterministic world where they lose subjectivity and become analysable objects whose ‘nature’ is concluded from documented colonial and institutional texts: ‘You are … violent. They are … criminals. She isn’t … academic.’ An important phenomenological epistemology is foreclosed, so there is no chance for system professionals to say: ‘She is … because this is what she told me about herself.’ The result is a socially deterministic: ‘She is…. We have all the information about her.’ In school, this discursive third-person perspective has led to the neglect of these youth by teachers (Lopez, 2020) and their disengagement from schoolwork (Briggs, 2018).

I continue with a narrative in the following section. At the time of this narrative, I was a settlement practitioner – a front-line system professional – working for a local agency that has a partnership with the two public school boards in the city of Calgary. As an immigrant settlement practitioner, I worked closely with social workers, teachers and school administrators. On this occasion, I was on the other side of the social justice table. Admittedly, front-line system professionals, such as the social worker in the following case study, face scores of challenging practice constraints that may be outside their control. These constraints may include policies informed by neoliberalism (Pentaraki, 2022), culture-informed prejudices (Lopez, 2020) and the traditional Weberian bureaucracy (Spindel, 2020). I note this constraint to help distinguish between what is within the control of system professionals and what the neoliberal regime dictates. I also note this to avoid overgeneralisation because some system professionals fail do adequately help marginalised youth because of systemic constraints (Hyslop, 2016), not because of personal and historical prejudices.

Parental epistemes, behaviour-in-time and behaviour-in-discourse

Parents have an intimate, systematic knowledge of their own children, good or bad. This may be something that prejudiced or uncritical system professionals ignore in their practice when serving African Canadians – I must stress ‘prejudiced’ and ‘uncritical’, for many system professionals try their best to adhere to a behaviour-in-time approach. There are therefore system professionals whose service provision fails among the marginalised because of the administrative constraints on front-line workers and the neoliberal demands on managers, which have turned social services into a Weberian bureaucracy and prioritised market-based efficiency over clients’ best interests. As Ian Hyslop (2016: 8) has argued: ‘Social work practice knowledge involves an acute awareness of how relations of institutional and interpersonal power shape processes of communication and understanding.’ However, I focus here on system professionals who hide their personal prejudices in administrative discourses.

After a friend of mine passed away in 2012 and his son continued to have issues with teachers and school administrators, his wife asked me to join a school-scheduled meeting as a family friend. Her son was either fighting in the school or disrupting teachers in class. The first meeting was between the family, a social worker from child and family services, representatives from the school district, and the school principal. As the meeting progressed, I realised that the discussion was text-based, so no one was asking the mother how she could be helpful to the school. The student’s antics were mostly at school. I have called this problematic, text-based approach ‘behaviour-in-discourse’ because the assessment of the student and the possible solutions were based not on what could be learnt from the mother and the family, but on what was already documented by the school and social services. According to Spindel (2020: 20): ‘The downgrading of “lived knowledge” that people experience, compared to “book knowledge” that professionals often demonstrate, is an example of this “contest of knowledge”’.

What was recommended during this discursive projection were some medications; however, the mother said that she had consulted her doctor and was told that the medications may cause weight gain. “How can I knowingly expose my child to such a thing?”, she asked us under a torrent of tears. She was also mourning her husband, as the meeting was within days of his passing. When I told the principal that there might be something the mother was doing at home that may be of some assistance to the school, as Howard and James (2019) have noted in their research, he became agitated and dismissed my advice, even after I stressed that we were all gathered to find a solution to the problem. I realised that the principal was more interested in behaviourally immobilising the student in class; he was not interested in finding a workable solution acceptable to the parent and the school.

Fortunately, so I thought, it was decided after the meeting that a social worker would observe the child at home, which I thought may provide an opportunity for ‘social working’ (Chapman and Withers, 2019) that was truly phenomenological (based on first-hand experience). I call this ‘behaviour-in-time’. After observing the child at home, the social worker scheduled a meeting with the mother, so the mother again invited me to the meeting. The meeting proved disastrous. The social worker said that the child played well with his sibling and cousins but that he had a ‘potential’ to become ‘violent’. I asked her to explain what she meant. She said the boy became violent when he requested to use the bathroom and she said ‘no’. I therefore told the social worker that he became ‘violent’ because she intentionally provoked him to assess his reaction. Instead of explaining to us the logic of her strategy – which, given the circumstances, may have been understandable – she became upset and indignantly directed me out of the office. I again stressed the fact that we were meeting in the interest of the child to no avail. Her actions were based on her attitude towards the family; there were no administrative constraints on her decisions.

I was confused and worried. Apparently, the social worker was engaged in some form of pseudo-hypothesis testing rather than learning phenomenologically from the student’s behaviour-in-time. She was trying to ‘prove’ what she had concluded from the teachers. This, to use Du Bois’ (1999 [1903]) expression, would be the penchant for answering queries a priori without listening to evidence. She focused on proving the bad student narrative (Eizadirad, 2016), ignoring how to maximise his best behaviour.

This happened nearly a decade ago; however, the incident came to mind in June 2021, while writing a literature review for a research project. While it was within the social worker’s professional requirement to assess the student in his environment (Hyslop, 2016), that is, at home where his daily activities were not regimented and at school where they are, it was her attitude towards the knowledge that the mother could provide that is important to emphasise here. Admittedly, the manner in which the social worker and the school administrators prejudged the family aligns with the neoliberal construction of families and youth at the margin of Canadian society as irresponsible people (Maynard, 2017; Adjei and Minka, 2018). This prejudgement creates a social circle of misrepresentation because the youth and families at the margin are judged not in time, but in discourse. This article will therefore focus on how to break what I have called a ‘vicious cycle of misrepresentation’ through a phenomenological approach to service provision.

In what follows, I continue with phenomenology as the framework and then with the aforementioned ‘cycle’ in Canadian institutions. I end the article with a discussion of how system professionals who approach service provision like the social worker in the earlier case study may use a phenomenological perspective to reduce or even eliminate the aforementioned discourse-produced social misrepresentation cycle. This phenomenological approach may add value to the traditional person-in-environment approach (Hyslop, 2016) because the professional would be aware of three things: personal and cultural prejudices; traditional administrative constraints; and neoliberal policies that prioritise personal responsibilities (Hyslop, 2016) without considering the constraints of clients’ socio-economic histories and environments. In neoliberalised social services, the responsibility for well-being has been transferred to the individual asking for assistance (Garrett, 2010). Sometimes, what clients need is an empowerment initiative that will help them self-empower. Prioritising clients’ narratives may militate against administrative and policy constraints because the client would distinguish between the professionals’ own limitations and the constraints placed on them by policies and procedures.

Theoretical framework

As noted earlier, African Canadian youth are judged by some system professionals from historical and social discourses that eschew their true experiences, that is, their being. As African American historian Nell Painter (2010: 16) has argued: ‘what we can see depends heavily on what our culture has trained us to look for’. According to Merleau-Ponty (2002 [1962]: 46, emphasis in original): ‘My clear and distinct thought always uses thoughts already formulated by myself or others, and relies on my memory, that is, on the nature of my mind, or else on the memory of the community of thinkers.’ What Painter and Merleau-Ponty remind us of are some of the causes of the social misrepresentation cycle (see the next section). This article therefore uses phenomenology to suggest a behaviour-in-time approach to social service practice. What is phenomenology?

Informed by the work of Edmund Husserl (1983), phenomenology is a careful analysis and description of a phenomenon from a first-person perspective (Sartre, 1943). Phenomenologists who study the social world focus on how a given social phenomenon ‘shows up for the subject’ (Zahavi, 2019: 903). A third-person perspective is therefore not helpful in a phenomenological analysis because it takes the essence of the phenomenon in question to have already been understood. As van Manen (2017: 813) has argued, ‘phenomenology is the study of what gives itself “as” lived experience’ to ascertain how it appears in the world. Phenomenologists therefore ensure that what ‘gives itself’ in social relations is not what is concluded from historical discourses conditioned by culture. In a phenomenological parlance, a researcher attempts to find the ‘essence’ of a phenomenon under investigation. What phenomenologists call the ‘essence’ of things (Merleau-Ponty, 2002 [1962]) in this study would be the ‘essence’ of African Canadian youth experiences from the perspective of the youth or from the first-hand interactions of the professionals with the youth. The epistemological goal is not merely to understand the ontology of first-hand experience or to understand its essential metaphysic as a phenomenon; rather, the most important thing is what first-hand experience tells us about their lives. Primarily, phenomenology is about how a phenomenon appears in lived experience, not what a phenomenon is per se (Merleau-Ponty, 2002 [1962]).

To make sense of the essence of phenomena from the first-person perspective, a phenomenological approach attempts to overcome what Husserl (1983) calls the ‘natural attitude’. The natural attitude perceives the social world as conditioned or imposed on human subjects by their cultural and social worlds. The natural attitude is therefore the everyday world whose truth we take for granted. To overcome this ‘natural attitude’ and to understand the phenomenon under study – youth social marginality or criminalisation, for example – from the first-hand experience, phenomenological researchers perform what Husserl calls a ‘phenomenological reduction’. A phenomenological reduction does not completely dismiss the natural attitude, but it does not take its truth for granted because this apparent truth may have been influenced by culture or questionable histories. A system professional as a subject overcoming the natural attitude through the phenomenological reduction may ensure that their decisions or judgements are based not on taken-for-granted everyday discourses, but on first-hand experiences as they relate hermeneutically to the subject of the study. A phenomenologist, like a mathematician, merely ‘brackets’ the familiar world without entirely dismissing this familiar world because whatever they ‘bracket’ is still part of their world. They only want to see the world afresh (Finlay, 2012).

The cycle of misrepresentation

After doing the literature review mentioned earlier, it occurred to me that African Canadian youth develop negative attitudes because of the way some system professionals address youth offences. The disproportionate representation of African Canadian youth in school suspensions and expulsions, dropouts (Dei, 2008; Lopez, 2020), and the carceral system (John Howard Society of Ontario, 2018) begin with teachers’ prejudgements as a function of societal conditioning. Prejudiced professionals easily prejudge African Canadian youth (Maynard, 2017); however, they are reluctant when it comes to guiding them into responsible adulthood (Lopez, 2020). As a result, these youth enter Canadian institutions as already-understood people, where nothing is left to understand: they are bad children (Eizadirad, 2016) from terrible parents coming from inferior cultures (Adjei and Minka, 2018).

Unfortunately, given cultural and societal conditioning, system professionals do not distinguish between facing a problem and being a problem when providing services to African Canadian youth. The youth and the social problems they face become one and the same. Apparently, it may appear that one cannot get rid of the problem without getting rid of the person experiencing the problem. However, this is not necessarily the fault of system professionals because African Canadians have been historically constructed (Eizadirad, 2016) in a manner that makes it difficult for system professionals to engage phenomenologically with these youth. System professionals therefore find the (mis)representation of African Canadians (like other Africans and other Africa-descended people in the world) historically ‘established’ and ‘fixed’ (Bhabha, 1994). This misrepresentation, as already noted earlier, may be due to strictures engendered by neoliberal policies relating to funding and efficiency (Macias, 2015; Hyslop, 2016; Strier, 2019), or by the nature of education offered to social workers (Karki et al, 2022).

African Canadian youth are therefore born into a society that has decided a priori who they are, and this creates systemic constraints for these youth. These constraints, in turn, marginalise these youth in school and in society (Dei, 2008). School becomes an alienating environment, so grades suffer and dropout chances increase. The consequence of this is, for example, an earlier exposure to extra-legal activities to earn a living or to salvage some level of self-esteem or self-respect through gang involvement (Khenti, 2013). Instead of addressing the underlying issues that cause youth to get involved in crime, system professionals pathologise these youth, further subjecting them to more systemic constraints and completing the circle. As teachers are among the first influencers of young people’s behaviours, they also shape whether a student graduates or enters the carceral system. Admittedly, the teacher’s role is not necessarily deterministic, but research has shown that it is a significant factor in students’ performance and behaviour (Cormier et al, 2021). Do teachers listen to the students and call a social worker before they call the police? Do social workers listen to a students’ background narrative, or do they make referrals using what teachers relate as adequate to pass a judgement? Do they act like the principal and the social worker in my friend’s family narrative, who only want to prove what they have already conceptualised about the youth?

Obviously, the youth defy these preconceived notions about African Canadians, and this results in the pathologisation of their defiance as deviants (Dei, 2008). The youth response to misrepresentation of who they are is also rationalised as their inability to fit culturally within Canadian institutions (Davis, 2017). The unfortunate consequence is a noxious circularity that I have called a ‘vicious cycle of misrepresentation’ (see Figure 1), which may only be broken through a phenomenological interaction with the youth. Some teachers, social workers or the police may even ‘listen’ to the youth but still use preconceived ideas about the youth (see the earlier narrative). That a teacher makes an African student repeat a math test because they doubt a student’s mathematical abilities may be a matter of cultural assumptions that have little to do with administrative requirements (Garang, 2019). This is where a phenomenological approach may be instrumental. The assumptions that teachers and other system professionals make result in students’ alienation and disengagement from schoolwork (Briggs, 2018). In this vicious cycle, their normal teenage anger becomes their natural proclivity to violence, their normal teenage fights become their criminal propensities and any poor grades become their non-academic nature. Less or no time is therefore spent on helping these youth; yet, they are expected to perform well and be responsible adults (Lopez, 2020). According to Jiwani and Al-Rawi (2019: 13): ‘the onus is placed on them [African Canadian youth] in terms of their ability to transcend the limitations imposed on them’.

Figure 1: A pie chart with four slices, namely, youth marginalization, criminal involvement, pathologization of the youth, and systemic constraints. The four slices are cyclic in nature.
Figure 1:

The social cycle of misrepresentation

Citation: Critical and Radical Social Work 2022; 10.1332/204986021X16521779031727

These limitations may include racialised poverty (Batelaan, 2021), youth criminalisation (Jiwani and Al-Rawi, 2019), the inferiorisation of African Canadian parental styles (Adjei and Minka, 2018) and systemic anti-black racism/Afrophobia and the history of colonisation and slavery. These systemic limitations make African Canadian students alienated and disenchanted with the school, leading to a micro-culture of disinterest in school, culminating in further stigmatisation, dropouts and criminalisation. This leads, unfortunately, to alternative ways of making a living (Khenti, 2013), and this opens a wide gate to the dreadful ‘school–prison feeder road’ (Dei, 2008: 351). African Canadian students’ entry into the criminal justice system is therefore an early, protracted social issue enabled (or exacerbated) by systemic constraints. How, then, may this structured phenomenological approach add value to service provision to marginalised African Canadian youth?

The phenomenological approach

Instead of prejudging the abilities of African Canadian students (Garang, 2019) or assuming that any angry reaction in class is a natural state of being, it may be important to relate to the students through their first-hand narratives or behaviour-in-time in order to evaluate prior narratives that may or may not be true. Focusing on behaviour-in-time may reduce stigmas and stereotypes, as well as increase understanding, by making teachers overcome the alienating ‘natural attitude’.

A phenomenological approach may therefore allow system professionals, such as teachers, school administrators, social workers and the police, to be critical of the societal stories or bureaucratic discourses they hear about young African Canadians. Admittedly, system professionals must work with necessary bureaucratic discourses and protocols as part of their professional mandates; however, they should not take the truth of these bureaucratic discourses and protocols as bearers of the final truth about these youth. They may do well to appraise bureaucratic discourses, their own assumptions and what student narratives reveal in service interaction in time. In Canada, as in other Western countries with diverse populations, education and professional trainings are still Eurocentric, so system professionals enter a workplace that is shaped by their trainings and society (Painter, 2010). They therefore immerse themselves in a world they believe they already understand. However, the little they have been taught has little (if any) epistemic connection with marginalised youth in the very way these youth understand themselves. Marginalised communities like African Canadians have had their knowledges subjugated (Foucault, 1997) and histories distorted (Baldwin, 1989 [1954]). These influence proper social justice work.

It is therefore vital that system professionals immerse themselves phenomenologically in the world with an open mindset that is open to learn and ready to challenge and be challenged. Teachers and social workers may improve their relationship with African Canadians if they ‘bracket’ the histories and ideas they hear about African Canadians and attempt to relate to their social world ‘afresh’ (Finlay, 2012), that is, to judge these youngsters from in-time narratives or in-time observations. This does not mean that priori histories or ideas about African Canadians have to be, necessarily, ignored. They should be judged against first-hand experiences to assess the assumed truth they embody, that is, the taken-for-granted ‘we know them’. System professionals are in the world, so they should try to understand the world as they live it, not as predetermined by their cultures, education and distorted histories.

The phenomenological reduction here is no longer a theoretical proposition, but a way in which someone can immerse oneself in the world, that is, to understand the world as it lays itself bare in its glaring majesty. An African Canadian student should be judged by what the teachers see in class, without assuming that the child will not do well because they are of African heritage. A social worker may help a family raise their children well if they understand that family’s traditional parenting, that is, being open to learn from them and shunning assumptions of parenting inferiority stemming from the history of colonisation and slavery. A phenomenological approach would ensure an ‘absolute proximity’ between ‘the investigator and the thing being investigated’ (Sartre, 1993: 196). This would ensure an epistemologically productive relationship between the youth (the investigated) and system professionals (the investigators) that would make them both co-investigators because they are both humans. Mediating texts or historical attitudes are either phenomenologically bracketed or shunned if the phenomenological reduction engenders a new state of being.

I will conclude with the story with which I started. The principal and the social worker in my friend’s family story had made up their minds about the student and the family. They did not see the family as capable of informing them as to how to help the student. They only wanted to dictate. Had they tried to collaborate with the family, or tried to understand the family dynamic in time, they may have learned something that could have been valuable to the school and the family. It could have been an important exchange of ideas between the school, the district and the family in the interest of the child. System professionals see themselves as the experts who have nothing to learn from parents and the youth. This is a constraining and vexatious hurdle that many African Canadian parents and children encounter (Adjei and Minka, 2018). What this article is suggesting is a humbling phenomenological approach that would allow system professionals to (perhaps temporarily) ‘bracket’ prior ideas about African Canadians even when they have absolute confidence in the truth of these ideas. Continental and diaspora Africans (CADAs) have been historically misrepresented, caricatured and oppressed, so system professionals should be open to the idea that they may be falling into the seduction of Heideggerian ‘they’ (Heidegger, 1962). They should not take the world as conceptualised by what Merleau-Ponty calls the ‘community of thinkers’; rather, they should let the world in front of them ‘speak’ as it presents itself to them. This would allow a conducive service provision practice in which system professionals regard the people to whom they provide services as collaborators in service provision. This may break the cycle of misrepresentation because professionals would first say: ‘Tell me your story’; ‘What is your life like?’; ‘I’ve been told you were angry. Explain to me what happened?’; and so on.

These phenomenological questions may help system professionals to avoid stigmas and stereotypes, and to focus on what lived experience reveals. A phenomenological approach may, indeed, break the cycle of misrepresentation. As Du Bois (1999 [1903]: 277, 278) reminded us more than a century ago, ‘the least that human courtesy can do is to listen to evidence’ through ‘first-hand study of the facts’. It may therefore be time for system professionals to adopt the Husserlian ‘back to thing itself’ approach by making the lived experience of marginalised youth the informing heuristic and shunning assumptions based on colonial discourses, however true they may appear. The Husserlian ‘back to thing itself’ may also equip system professionals with a comparative lens through which they may appraise their own cultural assumptions, questionable administrative directives and the marketisation of social services.

Therefore, system professionals may misrepresent African Canadian youth not necessarily because of personal desires to be prejudiced. Rather, it may be what their cultures have trained them to see (Painter, 2010), what a community of thinkers have taught them in school (Merleau-Ponty, 2002 [1962]) or what managerialist social service administrators have directed them to do in the neoliberal tradition (Hyslop, 2016). It is therefore important for system professionals to be self-critical and realise that the clients, who are the basis of their work, should be received as people with ideas, narratives and histories that must be understood as related by the clients, not as in written records. Since social work and social justice generally have a problematic history (see Chapman and Withers, 2019), system professionals may do well to be aware of their role as individual professionals with practice latitudes and discretions, so as not to put all the blame on administrators and neoliberalism.

Notes

1

I use ‘African Canadian’ to refer to continental and diaspora Africans (CADAs) living in Canada. As a personal ethic and mental and epistemological decolonisation, I do not use colonial and slave-era colour identities, such as ‘black’, ‘white’ or ‘brown’, to identify people with culture and areas of origin.

2

For ease of reference, I use ‘system professional’ as an umbrella term for professionals in public, social, education, health institutions and so on.

3

I want to thank one of the anonymous peer reviewers for reminding me about the effects of neoliberalism on system professionals. While I may have referenced ‘bureaucratic discourses’ in an earlier draft, this important suggestion made me stress the effects of neoliberal policies. I believe the inclusion has added value to the argument in the article. I must add, however, that system professionals must note the difference between the policy and administrative limitations that are beyond their control and their own cultural assumptions and personal prejudices that compromise service provision from the outset. Prejudgements during first encounters and the youth response to it are the beginnings of the cycle of misrepresentation.

Funding

The work was partly supported by an Oliver Vernon Stong Graduate Scholarship through York University for the academic year 2020–21.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Nick Mulé, Esteve Morera and the anonymous peer reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this article. I would also like to thank Wayne Black and Greg Leslie as our discussions at Jane and Finch Way enabled me to think deeply about African Canadian youth misrepresentation in Canadian institutions.

Conflict of interest

The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

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    • Export Citation
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    • Export Citation
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    • Export Citation
  • Van Manen, M. (2017) Phenomenology in its original sense, Qualitative Health Research, 27(6): 81025. doi: 10.1177/1049732317699381

  • Yearwood, C.C., Barbera, R.A., Fisher, A.K. and Hostetter, C. (2021) Dismantling white supremacy in social work education: we build the road by walking, Advances in Social Work, 21(2/3): ivii. doi: 10.18060/25652

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Zahavi, D. (2019) Getting it quite wrong: Van Manen and Smith on phenomenology, Qualitative Health Research, 29(6): 9007. doi: 10.1177/1049732318817547

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • 1 York University, , Canada

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