Abstract
This article addresses a lacuna in the literature on the ‘emotional turn’ in journalism by examining how emotions shape journalists’ career trajectories. In-depth interviews conducted at two points in time reveal that love leads journalists to accept precarious work. Over the years, cynicism developed. Cynicism shaped careers in two ways: some moved into public relations and expressed emotions of relief. Others left media organisations to work as freelance journalists, expressing emotions of wanderlust and love. We address the ambivalence of love as an emotion. It leads journalists to accept precarious work that prevents investigative journalism. However, love of journalism has led others to pursue careers outside of media organisations that offer more freedom of expression, which is crucial for democracy.
Introduction
Since the Enlightenment in the 17th century, Western societies have viewed emotions as antithetical to reason and rationality (Harding and Pribram, 2004; Bandelj, 2009) and have largely ignored the role of emotions in social life. The opposition between rationality and emotion has been particularly present in prevailing views and definitions of journalism. Namely, emotions were explicitly viewed as a threat to journalists’ truth-seeking and objective work. Recently, however, the elephant has entered the room, and emotions are recognised as an important component of journalistic practice (Kotišová, 2019). In the literature, this is referred to as the ‘emotional turn’ in journalism, meaning that various aspects of emotions have become an integral part of journalism research. Studies on emotions in journalism are mainly concerned with the affective and emotional aspects of (1) text production, (2) audience engagement, and (3) work experience (Kotišová, 2019; Wahl-Jorgensen, 2019; 2020).
Beckett and Deuze (2016) contend that we are witnessing an ‘affective media system’ in which emotions at work are becoming a major component of professional success and a building block for good journalism. Studies on the role of emotions in journalists’ work show that social context, media organisations and professional ideology play a role in how journalists’ emotions are suppressed, inhibited, moderated and altered (Weaver et al, 2009; Ekdale et al, 2015). These studies offer valuable insights into the role of emotions in journalists’ work experiences. Still, they share a common shortcoming: they stop at one point in time and, therefore cannot provide insights into what happens to emotions at work over time.
Kotišová (2019) has recently outlined that we need to understand the emotional pressures of work and how they accumulate and change throughout a career in journalism. In other words, there is a lacuna in the literature that would empirically and longitudinally explore the role of emotions in career trajectories. This article aims to respond to this call and try to fill this research gap. This article aims to examine the role of emotions in the career trajectories of precarious journalists in Slovenia longitudinally and to show how particular emotions manifest during career stages. We posed the main research question: How do emotions shape the career trajectories of precarious journalists?
By examining how emotions structure the career paths of journalists, this study makes a twofold contribution to journalism research and the sociology of emotions. First, the longitudinal research design represents a unique contribution, as previous studies were limited to conceptualising love and passion as important motivators in creative professions (Duffy, 2017), but did not provide insights on how they might change over time. Second, because of the study’s longitudinal design, we present a scheme of the embeddedness of emotions in career trajectories in journalism. As such, this study contributes to the growing literature on the emotional turn in journalism, cultural production and the literature on the sociology of emotions.
The article is structured as follows. First, we present the existing literature on emotions in the domain of work and emotions in journalism. Then, we will present the method and data analysis technique, followed by the results. We offer results in three subsections: hope and love, cynicism and pessimism, and wanderlust and love as they evolve in time, respectively. In the last section, we discuss the role of the emotion of love and the labour-of-love ethic.
Emotions in the domain of work
Following the sociology of emotions, we view emotions as a social construct: ‘cultural acquisitions shaped by the social circumstances and culture of a particular society’ (McCarthy, 2002: 31). In this view, emotions are specific sensations (Illouz, 2007), feelings (Damasio, 2006), or affects (Massumi, 2002) that are perceived, reproduced and embedded in social and cultural discourse. Eva Illouz (2007: 9) defined emotions as ‘cultural meanings and social relationships that are compressed together and energize action’. Emotions are not action per se but ‘the inner energy that propels us toward an act, what gives a particular “mood” or “coloration” to an act’. This definition is consistent with previous research on the sociology of emotions, which suggests that emotional states motivate many different types of human and collective actions (Turner and Stets, 2006; Bandelj, 2009). Similar to Damasio’s (2006) more biological terminology, we view emotions as something that makes people do things and that can be observed by others. In this study, we will understand emotions as motivational factors for entering, changing, or staying in an occupation.
Research on emotions in work is primarily based on the emotion management approach developed by Arlie Hochschild (1983). In her seminal study on emotional labour, Hochschild argued that emotions have a social component: they are controlled and governed by social rules. She emphasised that people follow cultural scripts that define emotion and that people manage their emotions according to what they believe is appropriate in a given situation and role. Against this background, there has been a productive decade for the study of work in the creative industries. This literature underscores that ‘doing what you love’ as the unofficial work mantra of our time (Tokumitsu, 2015) is driving younger generations to accept precarious and underpaid work just to get a foot in the door of their desired industry and be creative (Miller et al, 2007; Arvidsson et al, 2010; Hesmondhalgh and Baker, 2010; Duffy, 2017; McRobbie, 2018; Jaffe, 2021).
Emotions in journalism
Beckett and Deuze (2016) noted that we are in an ‘affective media system’ in which emotions are an important component of professional success and a building block for good journalism. They explain three factors that currently drive journalism to use emotion as a tool: economic, technological and behavioural. The economic factor is underpinned by the fact that journalists must compete for attention and therefore mobilise emotion to create the experience of involvement for their audience. The second factor is technological, as journalism is disseminated through social media. Hence, journalists need to get their stories known in digital spheres and get others to share their content; again, the emotional impact is critical. The third factor is behavioural: people respond to emotions, not ideas or facts, and understanding how people relate to the news is critical.
As mentioned earlier, emotions in journalism are studied at the following levels: (1) text production: that is, how emotions are managed in the appearance of news texts (Potter and Bolls, 2012; Wahl-Jorgensen, 2013; 2020; (2) audience engagement: that is: the effects of emotions on how news is consumed and responded to (Beckett and Deuze, 2016); and (3) work experience in journalism (Kotišová, 2019; Wahl-Jorgensen, 2019; 2020). Studies on journalists’ emotions at work have highlighted that journalism is characterised by positive emotional attachment, as journalists see their work as a ‘calling’ (Weaver et al, 2009: 58), a noble profession of public service (Wahl-Jorgensen, 2020), and themselves as watchdogs who inform citizens in a democracy. Studies also show that workers derive value from their work regardless of monetary compensation or material rewards (Hesmondhalgh and Baker, 2010; Hermes et al, 2017). Discourses of ‘passion’ and ‘love’ have been used to rationalise and justify journalists’ engagement in precarious work (Lukan and Čehovin Zajc, 2022). Scholars have observed that increasing precarity, redundancy and uncertainty undermine the enjoyment of journalistic work (Ekdale et al, 2015) and lead to ‘emotional distancing and disengagement from work’ (Morini et al, 2014). More recently, studies have examined the role of emotions in the practice of conflict journalism, highlighting journalists’ coping with the emotion of exhaustion (Stupart, 2021). These studies focus on emotions at one point in time and do not offer insights into how emotions at work may change over time and influence their work.
Method
We conducted 18 semi-structured in-depth interviews with journalists working in Slovenian national news media organisations. To capture transitions and career trajectories over time, interviews were conducted at two time points in 2017 and 2021. Participants were selected using a combination of snowball (Parker et al, 2019) and expert sampling, as we consulted with experts, journalists and academics in journalism studies before making the final selection. Respondents were selected based on criteria for precarious employment recognised in the literature: unpredictable work or uncertain continuity of employment (Kalleberg, 2009; ILO, 2016); minimal control over working conditions, wages, or the place of work; work not protected by law or collective agreements (ILO, 2016); no or limited social benefits and legal rights (Kalleberg, 2013; Standing, 2016); atypical long-term work was another selection criterion for respondents. Our participants worked in precarious employment for more than seven years.
Seven of the interviewees were female and two were male. In-depth interviews with precarious journalists revealed a common characteristic: they all belong to the Millennial generation. The interviews lasted between 47 and 76 minutes, and various questions were asked about emotional states in relation to motivation for a career path, perceived working conditions, freedom of expression and work-life balance. The interviews were transcribed and coded with a special focus on their emotional description of experiences. First, we conducted inductive coding. After finding initial codes, we conducted deductive coding, looking specifically for emotions and their role in the career trajectories. All participants were given pseudonyms to protect their privacy. All respondents had high levels of education; they had either a bachelor’s or master’s degree and began their careers as student interns and continued to work in atypical employment (copyright agreements or as self-employed). At the time of the first interview, their careers were focused exclusively on journalism, lasting more than seven and up to 15 years, while at the time of the second interview, some were seeking career opportunities in public relations or similar corporate communications professions. By that time, the majority had about 15 years of journalistic experience in the news media (see Table 1).
Overview of the interviewees’ career paths in journalism
| Pseudonym, Age in 2021 | Date of the interviews | Years in the labour market (in journalism) |
|---|---|---|
| Eva, 37 | 8.3.2017 | 15 (15) |
| 5.4.2021 | 19 (18) | |
| Sheryl, 33 | 15.3.2017 | 7 (7) |
| 18.3.2021 | 8 (8) | |
| Cora, 38 | 25.4.2017 | 11 (11) |
| 10.2.2021 | 15 (11–12) | |
| Tom, 34 | 24.4.2017 | 11 (11) |
| 26.5.2021 | 15 (13) | |
| Sarah, 36 | 27.4.2017 | 14 (14) |
| 22.4.2021 | 18 (16) | |
| Nina, 36 | 4.5.2017 | 13 (13) |
| 2.2.2021 | 13 (13) | |
| Peyton, 37 | 29.6.2017 | 13 (13) |
| 28.1. 2021 | 17 (17) | |
| Mark, 35 | 21.7.2017 | 12 (12) |
| 12.4. 2021 | 16 (16) | |
| Nicki, 36 | 21.9.2017 | 10 (10) |
| 29.1. 2021 | 14 (14) |
Results
The results are presented chronologically; we provide the expression of emotions at different stages of journalists’ careers. The results show that emotions shape career trajectories as follows. At the beginning, journalists expressed emotions of love for their work and patience as well as goal-directed hope, as they hoped to obtain better working conditions with a permanent employment contract. After approximately five years of hope labour (Kuehn and Corrigan, 2013), they have become cynical and pessimistic because their working conditions have not improved. One group remains in journalism and is cynical about their jobs to this day. This study highlights that the emotion of cynicism shapes the careers of precarious journalists in two ways: one group of journalists left the profession to work in public relations, expressing emotions of relief and emotion of love towards journalism from a distance. The second group left news media organisations and began working as freelance journalists, expressing emotions of wanderlust and love (see Figure 1 for an overview).
How emotions evolved and shaped career trajectories of precarious journalists
Citation: Emotions and Society 2023; 10.1332/263169021X16717182753840
How emotions evolved and shaped career trajectories of precarious journalists
Citation: Emotions and Society 2023; 10.1332/263169021X16717182753840
How emotions evolved and shaped career trajectories of precarious journalists
Citation: Emotions and Society 2023; 10.1332/263169021X16717182753840
Beginning of the career: love and hope
At the beginning of their careers, the journalists’ descriptions of their motivations for pursuing a career in journalism were infused with the emotion of love. All participants indicated that they loved their work: “I love journalism. I think it is a life mission. It requires passion, and I have that. I love this work so much that I am not even sure I can call it work” [Eva, 2017]. Sheryl shared that she never waits for her workday to be over because she loves it so much: “Journalism is a job where you do not look at the clock and wait for it to be over. For example, a security guard in our building always waits for his shift to end so he can go home. But I have never done that because I sincerely love it” [Sheryl, 2017]. Tom talked about how journalism makes him happy and that he cannot imagine working anywhere else: “I do not see myself in any other profession. Journalism makes me happy, and when you are happy in your job, your personal life gets better too” [Tom, 2017]. Besides doing what they love to do, journalists describe their work as meaningful (Martikainen et al, 2022), as they could connect with others, contribute to the public with their work and achieve self-actualisation by working in their desired profession. Nina expressed very similar sentiments about her desire to continue working in journalism in the future. She also stated that holding the powerful accountable is what makes it a “dream job”: “I definitely see myself in journalism. Telling other people’s stories is important, but holding elites accountable is what makes it my dream job” [Nina, 2017]. Cora also described her journalism career as “dreams coming true”: “Journalism gives me everything: joy, dreams come true, the opportunity to express myself and the chance to really do what I love and enjoy” [Cora, 2017].
As such comments attest, journalists were motivated by ‘doing what you love’, what Tokumitsu (2015) called the ‘unofficial mantra of our time’. As a result, they accepted precarious working conditions. They were working under atypical employment contracts such as a sole trader or copyright agreements that did not provide them with protections such as paid holiday, sick leave and travel expenses. Sheryl explained, “I don’t have paid holiday or sick leave. You have to be sick for at least a month to get government benefits, and I don’t get paid travel or lunch” [Sheryl, 2017].
‘If you refuse to work, you perform very poorly. Most of the time, young people will just take anything. People would rather overload themselves with work than say they cannot. So the more you grab, the more you do, and the more you get to work. It has such an effect on editors that they can count on you never saying no. But if you turn everything down, then next time, they’ll give it to someone else.’ [Nina, 2017]
Webb (2007) argues that hope is a human capacity that can be experienced in different modes and offers a classification that distinguishes between two modes of open-ended hope: patient and critical, and three modes of goal-directed hope: estimative, resolute and utopian. Journalists started their careers with patient open-ended hope as they began their precarious careers without clear goals and objectives. The journalists patiently and somewhat passively hoped that their situation would eventually improve. They were waiting that the system will recognise their value and reward their efforts. However soon their experiences resemble resolute hope: a desire that is significant to the person hoping, future-oriented and goal-directed. An important desire of the journalists was to obtain a permanent employment contract in a media company so that they could continue to do what they love in the future. Resolute hope helped them dissolve evidence-based beliefs, see themselves as capable of finding paths to desired goals, and motivate themselves to use those paths. Despite evidence of deteriorating conditions in media organisations, journalists assumed and hoped that they would be the next to obtain stable employment. Moreover, they used their agency to achieve this goal by taking on extra work and always being available to their editors.
In the first round of interviews, journalists expressed the emotion of love for their work. Therefore, they accepted precarious working conditions and atypical contracts that did not provide them with worker protection. The journalists also expressed the emotions of patience and resolute hope, as they hoped to get a permanent job in the future, if only they worked well and hard enough, despite evidence that stable employment in media organisations was a rare thing amid structural changes and challenges. However, emotions of love and hope after several years turned into cynicism and pessimism.
At the crossroads: cynicism and pessimism
After more than five years of hope labour (Kuehn and Corrigan, 2013), fuelled by a desire to do what they love, the journalists’ employment status did not improve. At this point, they expressed emotions of cynicism and pessimism. Cynicism was underpinned by three main factors: (1) long-term precarious employment contracts with no better prospects; (2) editorial policies and practices of ‘churnalism’ (Davies, 2008) that prioritised quantity over quality and did not allow journalists to engage in investigative reporting; and (3) the platformisation of journalism (Nieborg and Poell, 2018), where journalistic content is increasingly distributed via social media, which was seen as a threat to journalism.
First, cynicism arose from frustration with the long-term precarious employment situation. Sheryl illustrated the ambiguous employment status of working full time but being unemployed: “We joke that if we died, the black flag would not be on the building because we were practically working full time but were contractually unemployed” [Sheryl, 2017]. In addition, Sheryl noted that because she and her peers cannot get a steady job in journalism, they are all part of “a lost generation”. Sarah also expressed that there is nothing that can be done to improve working conditions: “I am really fed up with the situation in journalism. I was wondering if it’s my fault that maybe I am not a very good journalist. But you can do whatever you want, but it’s not going to get you a better job” [Sarah, 2021].
Second, aside from their ambiguous and precarious employment status, journalists expressed cynicism about editorial policies in media organisations. Sarah shared that her motivations did not align with the interests of her editors. She wanted to change the world by becoming a journalist, but editors do not follow this logic: “I look at our media landscape with great pessimism. Outstanding people are leaving journalism because the main impetus for us was to change the world, but if editors do not follow that logic, then you cannot do it” [Sarah, 2021]. Similarly, Peyton argued that she needs to write about high-class lifestyles instead of telling stories about people who need help: “They want me to write about luxury. But who cares about that kind of thing? We should write about those who do not really have anything. But no, the goal is to write for those who have money, not to help those who actually need help” [Peyton, 2021]. Nicki shared that the number of articles produced was more important than quality: “We are expected to write as much as we can, as fast as we can, to fill the newspaper. This leads to a kind of self-censorship because you cannot take on big, challenging topics because you do not have enough time.” All the journalists expressed emotion of cynicism: “What the editors want, you write. It’s a way to test your cynicism, and then you do not want to be a journalist anymore” [Nicki, 2021]. Altogether, journalists’ cynicism and pessimism were underpinned by media organisations’ inclination towards ‘churnalism’, where media is commercially driven and committed to speed which incapacitates journalists to produce original and accurate journalism, as they have to engage in a passive procession of material, which is supplied for them by outsiders (Davies, 2008: 6).
Third, the journalists’ cynicism was also underpinned by technological pessimism. In the second round of interviews, journalists emphasised that their content is increasingly distributed through digital platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, a phenomenon also referred to in the literature as platformisation of cultural production defined as ‘the penetration of economic, governmental and infrastructural extensions of digital platforms into the web and app ecosystems, fundamentally affecting the operations of the cultural industries’ (Nieborg and Poell, 2018: 4277). The journalists in our sample developed a cynical attitude toward the platformisation of journalism and saw it as a threat to their profession. Cora [2017], for example, talked about how “counting clicks” contributed to her disenchantment with the current state of journalism. Eva [2021] said that the circulation of “fake news” on social media threatened good journalism. Nina [2021] talked about how editorial requirements to follow trends on Twitter contributed to her loss of motivation: “We follow trends, what’s on Twitter, and then we have to write about it. When you see something not valued in your environment, you lose the energy to do it.” Mark [2021] described algorithms as a potential threat to his work: “I have to be present on social media and compete with algorithms and their banal, scandalous and sensational content to get people’s attention. I must promote myself so that people give me their five minutes.” Platformisation challenged the long-established boundaries of journalism with novel actors like social media platforms challenging journalists’ gatekeeping functions and breaking down barriers that separated journalists from audiences (Carlson and Lewis, 2019). Journalists saw this as a threat and source of concern that underpinned their pessimism and cynicism.
Tom and Peyton continue to work in the same media organisations and stay cynical. Tom shared that he misses the ambition and plan of the news media organisation: “I miss the mission. What do we want? I do not see the challenge in watching press conferences on Zoom. There are so many stories to tell, so much behind the scenes, but nothing [...] you build, you build, you build and then suddenly it all collapses” [Tom, 2021]. Similar cynicism about journalism, in general, was also expressed by Peyton, who works for a news media house and writes PR articles for various clients: “I am just a drop in the ocean and we are on a sinking boat. You fix one hole, but the water still pours in.” Among other journalists, we found that cynicism shaped career trajectories in two ways. One group of journalists moved to public relations (PR), and another to freelance journalism. In what follows, we first present how the emotion of cynicism led one group of journalists to leave journalism for public relations. We then present vignettes of those who have gone on to freelance journalism.
Leaving journalism for public relations: relief and love
The cynicism led a group of journalists to leave the profession to work in public relations or similar areas of corporate communications. This echoes findings in the literature that public relations is an easy way out of journalism (Davidson and Meyers, 2016) or a means of survival while still working in journalism (Ladendorf, 2012; Fröhlich et al, 2013). Journalists who switched to PR justified their decision based on material needs and constraints, reminiscent of Ladendorf’s (2012) findings that survival takes precedence over ethics for journalists, stating that it is impossible to survive financially without accepting PR assignments.
Sheryl, Cora and Sarah left journalism and found stable employment contracts with better working conditions. They expressed the emotion of relief “I still remember my first sick leave as a full-time employee in PR, which was the first official sick leave. I was so grateful to have the opportunity to be carefree on sick leave without constant pressure to write” [Sheryl, 2021]. Participants working full time at PR attached great importance to free time. Eva [2021] argued: “For me, it’s important to be able to spend time with people I love. So when I come home from work, very rarely does anyone call me. Evenings are free, weekends are free and vacations are free. With a good work environment, I do not feel pressured.” Ricketson et al (2020), who examined the emotional and material experiences of Australian journalists who had been laid off, also noted the emotion of relief after leaving journalism. They found that a substantial majority of respondents reported that their wellbeing had improved since leaving their jobs. Among the many advantages they found relief, and we read about respondent 35: “But it was the best thing that ever happened to me. And my mental state? Sensationally well” (Ricketson et al, 2019: 14). Our interviewee Eva [2021] also shared her relief at no longer being in journalism: “Times are tough for journalism, and I do not envy any of the journalists, and it’s getting worse.” Despite these pessimistic descriptions, Eva simultaneously stated that she still loves journalism: “I still love journalism more than anything. I still define myself as a journalist, and I will continue to see myself as a journalist. No matter what profession I am in, I will always take a journalist’s point of view.” All journalists who found stable employment in PR expressed emotions of love and a strong emotional attachment to journalism. Sarah [2021], for example, shared: “In short, journalism is a great love of mine, and it still is, even though I’ve been out of it for a long time, but I get the impression that once you’re in journalism, you never get out of it.” Cora [2021] also shared that she was sorry to leave journalism because she loves it: “I’m leaving this media company that gave me everything. And of course, I was sorry to leave it because I think this media house is a good fit for me, and I loved it.”
Leaving news media organisations for freelance journalism: wanderlust and love
The second group of journalists, Mark, Nicki and Nina, are freelance journalists. Mark has been a freelance journalist since the beginning of his career, writing for various news media. Nicki and Nina left the news media organisations they had worked for several years because they were frustrated and cynical about editorial policies and practices that did not guarantee them professional autonomy and opportunities for investigative journalism. These journalists expressed a love of journalism and emotion of wanderlust, ‘a craving for discovery and to see what lies beyond’ (Smith, 2016: 396). The emotion of wanderlust is closely related to the normative ideals of journalists as ‘free cruising watchdogs’ who inform citizens and hold the powerful accountable (Aldridge, 1998).
When asked why he remains in freelance journalism, Mark [2021] replied that it is meaningful work that fulfils him despite the unstable working conditions: “I do it best, and I can contribute something to society and the public discourse. I just want to make a living from it, work on something that fulfils me, and maybe even have some influence. It would be hard to find something like that elsewhere.”
Nina [2021] quit her full-time job in a legacy news media organisation and started an internet website for independent journalism, describing this as doing what she loves: “I am freelancing again, with a small group of colleagues we have a journalistic portal, everything is voluntary, there is no money. And I stick to what I love to do, which is journalism.” She said the fickleness of editors looking for unproblematic content led her to quit the full-time job in journalism: “They will tell you that they are happy with everything. But they are most pleased with the unproblematic articles, where there are no reactions, where you follow a fairly established form, cite statements from key political figures, and stop there.”
‘You get a chance to find words and narratives for confused and frightened people. As a journalist, you always go a step further and try to understand things that are hard to understand. You tell stories you would not otherwise know, stories you learn from and experience positive emotions, and you become a better person.’ [Nicki, 2021]
‘The fees for articles are the same as in 2017 [...] and with this constant uncertainty, I own nothing except a computer and books. I rent an apartment and share a car [...] In terms of my values, I think it’s right, but in this system, it’s not the safest thing in the long run.’ [Mark, 2021]
Nina and Nicki shared that freelance journalism would not be possible if they had families and caregiving responsibilities: “If I had a family and a husband, I would probably make different choices.” Norbäck and Styhre (2019) found six coping tactics among freelance journalists to secure sufficient amounts of work: creating relations with clients, with other freelancers, adapting to the market, relying on alternative sources of income, distancing from work by becoming entrepreneurs and unionising. Among Nicki, Nina and Mark, we did not find any of these coping tactics; instead, their comments attest that they lowered their economic needs and standards to the minimum as a way of coping with freelance work. Nina explained that seeing journalism as a job is problematic and emphasised the role of personal drive in journalism: “It’s problematic to see journalism as an eight-to-four job. Journalism requires a personal drive. If I needed money to survive, I would rather walk dogs or work in a shop.” Nicki [2021] similarly discussed the importance of having an independent lifestyle to be a good journalist: “If everyone could be as independent as I am, we’d have much better journalists. How would that work financially for people who have kids and loans? I do not know.” In this context, she pointed to the importance of intrinsic motivation as opposed to material needs: “Being under the pressure of intrinsic motivation is a pleasant feeling. Being under the pressure of an existential situation is a different story.”
Discussion and conclusion
This article examined how emotions shape the career trajectories of journalists in precarious employment over a period of more than ten and up to 18 years. Following the sociology of emotions, we understand emotions as cultural meanings that stimulate action (Illouz, 2007) and provide motivations for different types of human action (Truner and Stets, 2006). In particular, the present study focused on how emotions motivate entering, changing or staying in different career paths. We show that emotions are a constitutive factor for career trajectories in journalism. The results show that emotions structure careers as follows: at the beginning, journalists expressed emotions of love for journalism and hope, as they hoped to get stable employment in the profession they found meaningful in the future. Love and hope ignited them to accept precarious working conditions, working long hours without paid holiday and sick leave. After about five years of hope labour (Kuehn and Corrigan, 2013), the precarious working conditions did not improve, and the journalists began to develop cynical emotions toward their profession. The emotion of cynicism was underpinned by three factors: (1) long-term precarious employment contracts with no better prospects, (2) editorial policies and practices that prioritised quantity over quality and did not allow journalists to engage in investigative reporting, and (3) the platformisation of journalism (Nieborg and Poell, 2018), where journalistic content is increasingly distributed via social media, which was seen as a threat to journalism. The emotion of cynicism shaped career trajectories in two directions. The first group of journalists decided to leave the profession and found stable employment contracts in public relations or similar areas of corporate communications. In this, they expressed emotions of relief and love with claims that they ‘still love journalism immensely’. The second group of journalists adapted their economic aspirations and lifestyle to pursue a journalistic career outside legacy media organisations and corporate control that instilled cynicism in them. They became freelance journalists who expressed emotions of wanderlust and love for journalism.
The prevalence of the emotion of love at various stages of journalists’ careers requires a special focus. Psychologist and emotion researcher Barbara L. Fredrickson defines love as a ‘pleasant momentary experience of connection with another person (or persons)’ (Fredrickson, 2016: 850). However, results of the current study show that the emotion of love among journalists is not experienced in connection with another person(s) but is experienced through work and oriented towards work. Love for journalism ignites passionate action in the domain of work and not in the domain of interpersonal relations. Love for journalism is ambivalent. On the one hand, in the name of love, journalists accepted precarious working conditions, which incapacitated their freedom of expression. This inevitably led to emotions of cynicism and pessimism. Cynicism ignited one group of journalists to leave the profession for public relations. On the other hand, the second group of journalists, again, in the name of love, left media organisations and became freelance journalists, working outside corporate control with greater freedom of expression. They embraced unstable working conditions to be able to travel and provide relevant stories from which they “experience positive emotions” as explained by one journalist.
Reading Max Weber’s Protestant ethic through the lens of emotion, Eva Illouz (2007) argues that the emotion of anxiety provoked by the Principle of predestination ignited capitalist entrepreneurs’ frantic activity and contributed to the emergence and sustenance of early capitalism. The present study shows that today, it is not the emotion of anxiety, but love that provokes workers’ passionate activities and sustains the current system. This is what Sarah Jaffe (2021) has called the labour-of-love ethic where work is turned into love and love conversely into work. The present study shows how the labour-of-love ethic sustains current journalism as it is underpaid, passionate and precarious workers who, in the name of love towards their work sustain journalism ideals in their practice.
At this point, it is productive to explain that who gets to express love for journalism through practice or from a distance is determined by individual backgrounds and identities. Those who left journalism for public relations or corporate communications jobs all experienced various health issues after several years of working as journalists. Further, two of them became parents, and both explicitly stated that work in journalism and caregiving responsibilities are incongruent. Those who became freelance journalists and still love journalism from practice explicitly stated that they could afford this because they do not have families and caregiving responsibilities which allows them to live in more free arrangements and neglect economic interests.
The main limitation of the study is the small sample. However, the aim here was not to provide generalisable results but thick descriptions (Geertz, 1973) and meanings about journalists’ emotions and how they shape career trajectories. The respondents were carefully selected, and we consulted with several experts, journalists and academics in journalism studies before finalising the selection of participants.
The present study brings theoretical and practical implications. First, the longitudinal research design represents a unique contribution, as previous studies have been limited to conceptualising emotions only at one point in time. Second, on account of the longitudinal design of the study, we present a scheme of emotions in career trajectories over time in journalism. On a more practical level, this study could inform aspiring and current journalism students on what it takes today to do what you love in the current precarious media landscape. The present study also demonstrated that it is crucial to take the emotion of love in the domain of work seriously as it has repercussions for the very functioning of democracy - as the emotion of love leads journalists to either seek freelance work arrangements outside corporate control or into public relations jobs that could be understood as antithesis for democratic societies. Future research could examine the role of emotion among different professions and generations.
Funding
This work was supported by the Slovenian Research Agency research and infrastructure programme Work, Education and Employment Analyses under Grant P5-0193.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful and valuable feedback. In addition, we would like to thank Prof. Dr Melita Poler Kovačič for initiating this research, guiding expert sampling and her participation in the interviews in 2017. In addition, the authors would like to thank Professor Dr Paul Bolls and Michal Frackowiak for their positive feedback at the International Society of Research on Emotion conference at the University of Southern California, which encouraged us to write this article.
Conflict of interest
The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.
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