Speaking out, ‘speaking in’ and safety work in the digital sphere: understanding online disclosures in the aftermath of sexual violence

View author details View Less
  • 1 Victoria University, , Australia
Full Access
Get eTOC alerts
Rights and permissions Cite this article

This article examines why victim-survivors of sexual violence disclose their experiences online. Drawing on findings from qualitative interviews conducted with victim-survivors, the discussion expands upon scholarly framings of ‘speaking out’ in digital spaces. The proliferation of the #MeToo movement has led to significant interest in digital activism surrounding sexual and gender-based violence, and disclosures are often articulated within feminist scholarship as constituting a political act. Findings reveal that victim-survivors understand their own digital practices with nuance and complexity, and their disclosures address a range of needs that are often apolitical. Participants primarily saw their disclosures as a way to connect with peers, to provide and receive support, and to share their stories ‘safely’. These motivations influence how and where victim-survivors disclose online, and complicate scholarly notions of digital activism as a response to sexual violence. The discussion presents important implications for how digital space and disclosure practices are understood, highlighting the significance of considering the diverse needs that victim-survivors have when speaking about their experiences online.

Abstract

This article examines why victim-survivors of sexual violence disclose their experiences online. Drawing on findings from qualitative interviews conducted with victim-survivors, the discussion expands upon scholarly framings of ‘speaking out’ in digital spaces. The proliferation of the #MeToo movement has led to significant interest in digital activism surrounding sexual and gender-based violence, and disclosures are often articulated within feminist scholarship as constituting a political act. Findings reveal that victim-survivors understand their own digital practices with nuance and complexity, and their disclosures address a range of needs that are often apolitical. Participants primarily saw their disclosures as a way to connect with peers, to provide and receive support, and to share their stories ‘safely’. These motivations influence how and where victim-survivors disclose online, and complicate scholarly notions of digital activism as a response to sexual violence. The discussion presents important implications for how digital space and disclosure practices are understood, highlighting the significance of considering the diverse needs that victim-survivors have when speaking about their experiences online.

Key messages

  • There are myriad digital practices in which victim-survivors engage when disclosing online, some of these are public-facing (‘speaking out’), but many survivors disclose in private, secret digital contexts.

  • Victim-survivors do not always view their online disclosures as political, and disclosures fulfil a range of needs, including therapeutic and justice needs.

  • If ‘speaking out’ online refers to the digital modes of anti-rape activism, then by contrast, ‘speaking in’ encompasses the ways that victim-survivors disclose in online communities of peers.

Introduction

Although victim-survivors of sexual violence have been using digital technologies and platforms to disclose violence for decades, the virality of hashtag activism as a method for speaking out about rape has increased scholarly attention to these practices. Hashtags such as #YesAllWomen, #BeenRapedNeverReported, #NotOkay and of course, #MeToo, are key examples of digital activist movements that have brought sexual violence into a sustained global and mediated spotlight. Feminist scholars have, quite rightly, examined the potentials of digital activism as a challenge to rape culture while also debating whether it can effect structural change or the prevention of sexual violence (Mendes et al, 2019c; Mendes et al 2019a, 2019b; Loney-Howes, 2020; Megarry, 2020). A contested discourse has developed, whereby some scholars have argued that the in-person nature of activism in the 1970s was much more politically effective than feminist organising in the digital age (Megarry, 2020), and others suggest that ‘speaking out’ online is comparable to the consciousness-raising efforts of the Women’s Liberation Movement (Gleeson and Turner, 2019).

Victim-survivors’ participation in digital feminist activism is often purposeful and political, however, this article seeks to complicate these assumptions by demonstrating the ways that victim-survivors can view their digital practices apolitically. In some contexts, victim-survivors’ digital practices surmount to acts of what I refer to throughout as ‘speaking in’, where online communities and other peer spaces represent safety, anonymity, support and recognition (see also, O’Neill, 2018). Although comparable to consciousness raising spaces in the Women’s Liberation movement, the communities I refer to throughout this article are not constituted around a raising of consciousness or overt political agendas. Rather, these are digital spaces for all survivors of sexual violence to speak and be heard, and ‘speaking in’ is inversely titled to highlight a varied phenomenon vis-a-vis ‘speak outs’ and other feminist activist disruptions. In these spaces, survivors are speaking to and for one another and although this might be considered part of a feminist politic (particularly in relation to the history of consciousness-raising), many victim-survivors in this research highlighted that peer driven digital spaces were a respite of sorts from the pressures to politicise their experiences during the height of #MeToo. Drawing on qualitative interviews with victim-survivors who had disclosed experiences of sexual violence online, I argue that digital activism does not fully describe the myriad of digital practices that occur in the aftermath of sexual violence, nor does it completely capture the complex experiences of all victim-survivors who engage with or utilise hashtags such as #MeToo. It seems that twenty-first-century victim-survivors often understand their digital practices in highly individualised ways as a response to their needs and experiences, complicating the second wave feminist adage that the ‘personal is political’ (see also, Loney-Howes, 2020).

Digital practices in the aftermath of sexual violence

Victim-survivors have been speaking out about sexual violence for decades, digital modes of disclosure and activism have become far reaching and commonplace, particularly with the aid of hashtags. #MeToo has become a focus in scholarly literature about the online anti-rape movement, however, it is worth noting that digital feminist activism is not a recent phenomenon, nor is online anti-rape activism (Mendes et al, 2019c; Loney-Howes, 2020). Indeed, hashtags relating to sexual violence have surged and dissipated throughout this ongoing era of digital activism. Several hashtags have responded to political turbulence, particularly in the United States with both #trumptapes and #notokay encouraging victim-survivors to share experiences of harassment and sexual assault in response to Donald Trump’s comments in 2016 about sexually assaulting a woman, revealed in an Access Hollywood tape (Malkin, 2016; Noyle, 2016; Bogen et al, 2018; 2019). For the most part, hashtag activism rises sporadically in response to events or prolific news media stories, as was the case with #BeenRapedNeverReported (Ferreras, 2014; Francis, 2015; Keller et al, 2018). #BeenRapedNeverReported saw victim-survivors sharing experiences of sexual violence on Twitter, with people describing in their tweets the reasons why they did not report their rape to authorities, simultaneously challenging rape myths, stereotypes and public perceptions of the criminal justice system (Keller et al, 2018). Some scholars have argued that hashtags such as these foster hope and empowerment, by providing a space for victim-survivors to use their voice and challenge rape culture (Clark, 2014; 2016; Clark-Parsons, 2018; Dixon, 2014; Rentschler, 2014; Williams, 2015; Keller et al, 2018). In contrast, other feminists have questioned the extent to which a hashtag can effectively constitute a social justice movement. For example, Megarry (2017; 2020) contends that #BeenRapedNeverReported and #MeToo are weaker forms of activism than that which occurred during the Women’s Liberation Movement, and do not foster the same connections that physical feminist spaces and consciousness-raising practices bore throughout this period. This scholarship points towards contestation surrounding whether digital feminism(s) are effective activism.

While online anti-rape activism has a longer history, the #MeToo hashtag that arose on Twitter in October 2017, has undoubtedly had the biggest impact of any digital feminist activism to date. The hashtag sought the disclosures of victim-survivors of sexual violence, although primarily centred on harassment in industries and workplaces (see Fileborn and Loney-Howes, 2019; Loney-Howes and Fileborn, 2019). Some scholars have argued that #MeToo has reignited conversations about sexual harassment and violence within different industries (O’Neil et al, 2018). Gleeson and Turner (2019) argue that #MeToo is an example of online feminist activism and consciousness-raising. The hashtag has been critiqued for ‘going too far’ while simultaneously raising productive questions about what constitutes sexual violence or assault (Fileborn and Phillips, 2019; Fileborn and Loney-Howes, 2019). Hindes and Fileborn (2020) have noted that #MeToo spurred broader conversations around grey areas of consent in public discourse. Despite its various achievements, #MeToo has been further criticised as a movement that centres whiteness, whereby white celebrities were able to spur widespread online action while simultaneously erasing the grassroots activism and advocacy work of women of colour (Onwuachi-Willig, 2018; Gómez and Gobin, 2020; Kagal et al, 2019; Loney-Howes, 2019). Loney-Howes (2019: 30) suggests: ‘women of colour, women with disabilities, migrant women on temporary visas, working class women, refugee women, elderly women, and also the LGBTQ community, were, however unwittingly, excluded from and marginalised by the #MeToo movement’.

Loney-Howes’ (2015; 2018; 2020) research highlights the key developments in online anti-rape activism by examining the experiences of anti-rape activist bloggers, demonstrating how digital practices can connect to and complicate the personal and the political. Similarly, Mendes, Ringrose and Keller (2019c) examine several forms of digital feminist activism, although not all of their case studies concern sexual violence. Together, these studies provide insight into why some people engage with and participate in online anti-rape movements, and signal towards a range of practices that might constitute activism. Despite the critical discussion of online anti-rape activism, there seems to be limited research that has directly engaged with victim-survivors who participated in the hashtag. A key exception are studies conducted by Keller, Mendes and Ringrose (2018) and Mendes and Ringrose (2019), which both exhibit victim-survivors who participate in digital feminist activism, highlighting how these practices challenge rape culture. Although limited emerging research has discussed victim-survivors’ experiences using #MeToo, Mendes and Ringrose’s (2019) survey explored the experiences of 117 victim-survivors who disclosed using the hashtag. Their findings suggest that many victim-survivors participated in #MeToo because they were at ‘breaking point’ and it fostered moments of realisation that they could speak out and contribute their story (Mendes and Ringrose, 2019). Some victim-survivors were motivated to generate ‘communities of care’ through their participation in online counterpublics (Mendes and Ringrose, 2019). While they note that disclosing could be difficult and an ‘affective’ process, their findings emphasise positive aspects for victim-survivors who said ‘#MeToo’ (Mendes and Ringrose, 2019). Utilising affect theory and scholarship, notably from Sara Ahmed (2017), Mendes and Ringrose outline the emotive forces at play when victim-survivors disclose or otherwise participate in these movements. Revealing these affective experiences of digital feminist activism serves to challenge notions that these digital practices are weaker forms of so-called ‘slacktivism’ (see also, Fileborn and Loney-Howes, 2019: 12).

Feminist scholars have discussed various theories that conceptualise digital forms of speaking out. Key to these discussions is Tanya Serisier’s (2018) Speaking Out: Feminism, Rape and Narrative Politics, which contends that victim-survivors’ use of #MeToo became a collective storytelling that ‘counter[s] the denial and disbelief that frequently greets individual women’s stories’ (Serisier, 2018: 112). Serisier (2018) highlights how through hashtags, speaking out is so thoroughly enabled that it does not (necessarily) actively challenge the societal conditions and contexts in which rape occurs, nor can it conceive of a possible context that one day, such speaking out may not be necessary. That is, the ‘ongoing legacy of #MeToo is imagined as ongoing maintenance of #MeToo’ (Serisier, 2018: 115). Considering the politics of speaking out in digital society, Serisier (2018: 116) aptly notes that ‘the question… seems difficult or even impossible to answer within a political frame in which the act of speech is so dominant’. That is, it is difficult to develop a broader politics amid a cultural moment where the speaking out is rapidly occurring, shifting and with consequences still emergent. Within a climate in which so much speech about experiences of sexual violence abounds, it is pertinent to consider the extent to which speaking out remains connected to its origins as a feminist political act (Serisier, 2018, Serisier, 2019; see also, Loney-Howes, 2020). Rather, speaking out has, to an extent, ‘exceeded’ the discursive and political boundaries set forth by feminists (Serisier, 2018: 12). This article seeks to expand this discussion by examining the extent to which victim-survivors perceive their digital practices as political disclosures contributing to a global online anti-rape movement.

Methodology and participants

The data discussed in this article stems from a broader study that examined how and why victim-survivors used digital platforms to disclose sexual violence. This study utilised a mixed-method qualitative methodology consisting of content analysis and qualitative interviews. This article draws primarily from the interviews conducted with 26 victim-survivors of sexual violence who had disclosed their experiences on a digital platform. All participants were English-speaking and living in Australia, the UK, Canada, the US and Japan. Ethics approval was received from RMIT University’s Human Research Ethics Committee prior to conducting fieldwork, and interviews were conducted face-to-face or through telephone or video calls. Interviews were semi-structured and conducted using a feminist approach that centred participants, who were able to guide the direction of the interview. The researcher debriefed with all participants in the week following the interview, and undertook training with a local rape crisis centre prior to commencing data collection. In order to participate, victim-survivors had to be over 18, to have lived through sexual violence (self-defined) and have disclosed their experience online. Because the broader study sought to examine and understand the various ways that victim-survivors use digital space to disclose, the type of disclosure or platform used was not specified in participant recruitment materials. As a result, participants were not excluded on the basis of how they utilised digital space.

Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed, after which they were analysed using N-Vivo 12 qualitative analysis software. All identifying details were removed from transcripts and interview participants were provided with pseudonyms. Transcripts were coded and analysed using critical discourse analysis, a qualitative method that allows analysis to critically address research questions and discursive frameworks (Fairclough, 2003). The discourse analysis sought address the research questions regarding victim-survivors’ disclosure practices, utilising the voices and narratives of participants in relation to feminist discourses on ‘speaking out’ and ‘justice’. It was evident that participants were motivated to disclose online to fulfil varying needs and motivations. Indeed, most participants disclosed their experiences across a range of digital platforms, revealing that victim-survivors not only ‘speak out’ in online contexts where there is a public audience of non-victim-survivors. Rather, participants were also ‘speaking in’, that is, disclosing their experiences in closed, private, or community-based contexts where disclosures would primarily be heard by peers.

The following discussion outlines the politics of ‘speaking out’ and ‘speaking in’ online, and I argue that these distinct practices of speaking complicate the dominant discourses surrounding disclosure practices and online anti-rape activism.

Findings and discussion: speaking out, speaking in?

Speaking out: is it always ‘activism’?

This section examines how victim-survivors in this research perceived their digital practices, particularly noting that online forms of speaking out are not always part of a digital feminist activism. For example, some participants said that they saw themselves as ‘advocates’ for survival from sexual violence and abuse. This advocacy occurred through creating and sharing content about their own experiences of sexual violence and its aftermath, as well as sharing information and articles, social media engagement and moderating online groups. Some participants, such as Xanthea and Chandler, were passionate about creating content to support other victim-survivors and encouraging healing journeys and recovery. Their advocacy sought to raise awareness about the impacts of sexual violence and abuse experienced in childhood in particular. They invested their time and energy into websites, blogs and videos about experiences of surviving sexual violence, and were driven by a passion to lessen the impacts of trauma for others. Xanthea and Chandler were motivated to connect with as many victim-survivors as possible by sharing stories and information publicly, often engaging in practices that might otherwise be labelled as hashtag activism. These digital practices highlighted that public modes of ‘speaking out’ were not always motivated by politics, but rather, by trauma discourses.

Coryn, who also saw herself as an ‘advocate’ rather than an ‘activist’, would often identify herself as a victim-survivor on her Facebook account, but preferred not to disclose any of the specifics of her experiences in a public context. She thought it was important to share information about sexual violence to be a ‘safe space’ for peers:

I share articles written about, you know, sexual assault with like statistics, and places that people can go to for help. I mostly try to make myself a safe space if any of my friends need one and I try to, um, kind of, I don’t know, open the eyes of people who don’t understand it.

Coryn describes her public discussion on issues relating to sexual violence as primarily to engage other victim-survivors and offer them information and safety. Simultaneously, she hoped to influence a broader public that she perceived lacked awareness of the prevalence and impacts of sexual violence. These types of digital practices that aim to impact societal perspectives of sexual violence signal a blurring of advocacy and digital activism. Digital activism can include practices like sharing articles, online petitions and retweeting or re-blogging political content. For instance, Murthy (2018) describes the sharing of articles as ‘mediating access’ to content among one’s social network. In instances where victim-survivors of sexual violence are identifying themselves when sharing an article, their disclosure becomes part of a mediated narrative. They are not necessarily providing the details of their own experience, but rather someone else’s, and their disclosure contributes to commentary surrounding it.

Scholars have questioned the efficacy of sharing articles and content relating to social issues, referring to it as potentially ‘slacktivism’ or ‘clicktivism’, while also observing the importance of digital media for raising awareness and sharing ideas globally (Powell and Henry, 2017). However, individuals who identify themselves while sharing an article on their Facebook page might not necessarily be aiming to participate in activism at all. Victim-survivors’ engagement with online conversations and sexual violence discourses can be fluid, shifting and under continuing development as their feelings and knowledge change over time. Indeed, their digital practices may not fit the moulds and language that scholars use to describe online engagement. For instance, Dylan, who periodically shared articles about sexual violence and was particularly affected by the prolific media attention surrounding the Brock Turner case, said:

I don’t know that I would consider [my digital practices] either of those things [advocacy or activism]. I don’t think that it’s like deliberate enough for me to consider it as either. But I definitely can’t see any reason that I would not do at least what I’ve been doing.

Scholars have often framed victim-survivor engagement with prominent media articles such as Chanel Miller’s Buzzfeed article and hashtags such as #BeenRapedNeverReported or #IStandWithJada as being activism (Powell, 2015; Keller et al, 2018; Mendes et al, 2019b). Powell (2015) argue that there are distinctions between disclosure practices, and not all can be. However, participants in this research did not necessarily see their use of hashtags or sharing of articles as a contribution to activism, advocacy, or even a broader conversation about sexual violence. The assertions by Chandler, Coryn and Xanthea, who identified as ‘advocates’ rather than ‘activists’, suggests that some victim-survivors are reluctant to frame their personal experiences politically (see also Loney-Howes, 2018; 2019; Serisier, 2018). Indeed, this may confirm the notion that speaking out online has ‘exceeded’ a feminist political project (Serisier, 2018: 12). However, it is worth noting that due to the very public nature of these disclosures, online modes of speaking out might produce a political resistance to rape culture and dominant narratives about sexual violence, regardless of whether they were intended to do so (Powell and Henry, 2017).

Some participants in this research thought that their digital practices could be considered activism, particularly if they were engaged in a public form of speaking out. Interestingly, participants often saw their activism as being for other victim-survivors, rather than a broader activist project. For example, Jo, who primarily disclosed their experiences in private groups or by sharing articles to their public feed, said:

[It] kind of feels like I’m doing something, some form of activism, and sharing my experiences, and hopefully people who have had experiences like that, or couldn’t name something that happened to them, or something, that they can then access that, and it could help someone else.

This excerpt suggests that the ways victim-survivors understand online activism can vary depending on the audience of the disclosure. Serisier (2018) contends that online disclosures can gain a ‘semantic thickness’, which suggests that they have collective power and effect that transforms disclosures beyond their individual parts. As Jo aptly puts it, this does seem to be ‘some form of activism’, whereby the personal and the political are blurred to the extent that it is unclear whether these disclosures are always intended to be part of a broader anti-rape movement (see also, Loney-Howes, 2019; 2020). Indeed, perhaps speaking out in digital society produces something in between the personal and the political.

Interview participants used hashtags for a variety of purposes and in a range of ways beyond activism, which further expands how scholars can understand hashtags as a mechanism for ‘speaking out’ or ‘speaking in’. For example, some participants reported taking part in public chats on Twitter facilitated by hashtags. In these conversations, several victim-survivors would tweet at the same (predetermined) time using a hashtag so that others could follow the conversation and join in. Murthy (2018: 148) suggests that ‘the importance of hashtag-based communities like this is that they repurpose Twitter in innovative ways to create new… communities’. This highlights the ways that hashtags, much like online communities, can facilitate connection and support. However, because these communities are also public and on a different platform, their purpose extends beyond this and the speech they produce about sexual violence might be shaped or restricted in different ways as a result. On some platforms like Instagram, Twitter and Tumblr, hashtags can also be used to tag and categorise content, without participating in a broader public conversation.

Xanthea, who saw herself as an advocate for recovery and healing from child sexual abuse that occurred in the context of a cult, had created a specific hashtag on Twitter to share and collate her content in one place for other victim-survivors of this kind of violence. Coryn, who likewise saw herself as an ‘advocate’, liked to use hashtags when posting selfies on her ‘very tightly wound’ private Instagram account. This exemplifies of how hashtags were used in a relatively private context to label posts and images as relevant to broader political issues such as feminism in the restricted context of one’s personal network. In this context, private hashtags are less ‘impactful’ in broader discourse as they do not appear within the stream of conversation surrounding the hashtag topic (Murthy, 2018: 4). This shows that victim-survivors are not necessarily using hashtags to participate in a bigger social movement on public platforms, demonstrating multifaceted approaches to digital practices that are typically framed as feminist activism. As such, victim-survivors’ contributions to broader discourses of sexual violence, feminism and mental illness, are not invariably motivated by a political desire to participate in activism or social justice movements. Rather, these disclosures might be motivated by myriad factors, such as wanting to help and support other victim-survivors, to share content and resources for healing and empowerment, or to identify themselves within a broader mediated narrative of experiences of sexual violence. This suggests that victim-survivors’ public disclosures are more complex than the available scholarly framings. Perhaps motivations for speaking out ought to be considered as multiplicitous, with digital activism existing within a bevy of public disclosure practices, rather than constituting the primary framing for victim-survivors’ public disclosures.

What has remained largely unexplored in scholarship about digital feminist activism are the reasons why victim-survivors choose not to participate, from their perspectives. This research extends such literature, highlighting the experiences of those who feel alienated by digital activism and chose to disclose online in other ways. Although Mendes and Ringrose’s (2019: 45) findings emphasised the ways that some victim-survivors carefully considered their disclosures and spent time ‘curating’ their contribution to #MeToo, this research provides insight into why some victim-survivors do not want to engage with #MeToo at all. Zadie, for instance, said:

I’ve been an activist in this space for a long time. I’m really tired. I’m really tired of doing men’s work for them. But, you know, what I love about that idea and [the #MeToo] movement is how healing it has obviously been for women. I think that’s amazing. So, you know, I’m on board for that. I’m on board for that but certainly for me it’s not the kind of activism that I find healing.

This excerpt highlights several key tensions that victim-survivors in this research experienced when faced with #MeToo; an environment where online disclosures became normalised and heightened in the months after the hashtag emerged. On one hand, Zadie was able to reflect on the potentially transformative impacts of the movement and how victim-survivors were being believed, as was also evident in Mendes and Ringrose’s (2019) data. However, Zadie also touches on the fatigue she experienced when the hashtag emerged, commenting that she did not feel she should have to use her trauma as part of a political message or to ‘do men’s work for them’. While Mendes and Ringrose (2019: 48) highlight that victim-survivors in their study were prompted by a desire to ‘build a structural analysis of sexual violence’, Zadie instead points out how the onus to do this work is placed on victim-survivors, and indeed, that this kind of analysis is not necessarily new.

The politics of ‘speaking in’

Participants in this research reported that viral hashtags like #MeToo had the effect of pressuring victim-survivors to ‘speak out’ when they otherwise would not want to share their experience. Many interviewees had purposefully chosen not to engage in these typical forms of digital activism. Supriya was concerned about how #MeToo actively pressured victim-survivors to speak out, stating, ‘I don’t think that any survivor should feel pressured or should feel as though they have a responsibility to advertise their trauma in order to bring attention to something.’ Victim-survivors who ‘spoke in’ through private and anonymous digital practices did so for a range of reasons that primarily concerned safety and inclusion, or because these type of anti-rape movements did not feel quite right for them. For example, Helena thought that participating in #MeToo was ‘just words’ that did not translate into action. In comparison, Tara thought that the virality of #MeToo insinuated that it was the first time in history that victim-survivors had ever spoken up about sexual violence and that the movement focused too heavily on certain forms of violence, notably harassment. She wondered if the general public would be as willing and able to hear stories of intense and graphic trauma, indicating that it would not be ‘safe’ for her to use the hashtag and it would likely be a re-traumatising experience.

Beyond feeling silenced or unsafe by the prospect of ‘speaking out’ online, some victim-survivors also perceived risks of being sought out by perpetrators after publicly disclosing through a hashtag. Susie had initially posted on Twitter in the ‘heat of the #MeToo movement’, but later took it down. She said:

So… while I really want to share my experiences and I’m a very open person, and I want to break down the stigma, I’m also intensely frightened of being sought out by another perpetrator… I disclosed temporarily in the heat of the #MeToo moment and then I was actually like, first of all (a) I don’t want to trigger any of my followers who have had these kinds of experiences, and (b) this is public and I don’t want potential perps slipping into my DMs, this is just not a situation I want to deal with.

This further demonstrates how victim-survivors navigate their safety, manage potential risks, and attempt to control their experiences online. Although for some #MeToo provided an opportunity where victim-survivors could connect with one another, for others it presented a risk of further harassment by trolls or ‘potential perps’ seeking to groom or harm them further. These narratives confirm that participation in online anti-rape activism bears potential risks and implications for victim-survivors and limits the ways that victim-survivors can speak out.

Elsewhere, I have discussed how victim-survivors use online communities as spaces to anonymously seek support, advice and connection with peers (O’Neill, 2018). Here, I build upon that discussion by framing these kinds of community-oriented digital practices as forms of ‘speaking in’. Compared to more ‘public’ modes of speaking out, speaking in occurs in private and anonymous contexts, whereby disclosures are heard by communities of peers and allies; audiences who are carefully chosen to hear the disclosure. As Zadie reported:

I find that incredibly supportive and knowing that – because if you get an anonymous community – especially an anonymous community of women – and you say, you know, ‘I’ve had this happen to me’, so many other people will say, ‘Yep, me too, me too’… but, yeah, there’s massive barriers for me in terms of people that I know knowing about what happened to me.

Speaking in is a significant way that victim-survivors disclose online, and the majority of participants in this research preferred to disclose experiences in contexts that were private or anonymous. This confirms that victim-survivors’ digital practices extend far beyond the purposes of activism, extending Powell’s (2015: 12) argument that it is somewhat restrictive to reduce victim-survivors’ disclosures of sexual violence solely to activism.

Having spaces in which to anonymously seek support and connect with peers undoubtedly facilitates the speech of many victim-survivors who otherwise might not be able to ‘speak out’. However, it is worth noting some of the potential implications that arise from ‘speaking in’. For instance, Turkle (2011: 230) suggests that it is a ‘fantasy’ to assume ‘someone is listening’ (see also, Crawford, 2009). While participants in this research mostly had positive experiences with peer responses to their disclosures, it was unanimously important that they receive a response. Victim-survivors provide one another with support precisely because they know how upsetting it would be if a disclosure did not receive any response. Fileborn (2014) discusses the potential consequences when victim-survivors disclose, and when the outcomes do not resonate with them or they are not effectively heard. I do not contend that online communities are perfect settings where every victim-survivor is heard or receives the response they want. For example, Patti did not feel supported by the responses she received in an online community space and did not care that others were ‘sorry’ because it did not ‘change what happened’. While she noted some of the benefits of online spaces, she was also critical of their overall impact (or lack thereof). This highlights that ‘speaking in’ digital contexts are not necessarily positive experiences for all victim-survivors.

Conclusion

This article has examined how victim-survivors of sexual violence engage in digital practices to share experiences of sexual violence, extending scholarship concerned with speaking out online. I have argued that dominant discourses that inherently frame online disclosures of sexual violence as activism neglect some of the complexities that arise in a digital context where speaking out has ‘exceeded’ feminist politics (see also, Seriser, 2018). Indeed, this article has demonstrated that victim-survivors engage in a diverse array of digital practices with varying motivations indicating that for many, speaking about sexual violence online is an interpersonal act rather than a political one. Furthermore, the emphasis on activism potentially oversimplifies the ways that victim-survivors themselves engage with and understand their use of digital media, and indeed, their identity. For victim-survivors who use digital society to engage in a dialogue of ‘trauma talk’ and recovery, social movements like #MeToo presented a challenging and at times triggering set of discourses that dissuaded many from speaking out in that context. Moreover, some participants in this research were reluctant to call themselves activists and preferred to see their digital engagement as something that benefited the communities of victim-survivors of which they were members.

By highlighting perceptions of ‘speaking out’ online, I have demonstrated how various modes of ‘speaking in’ constitute important digital practices in the lives of victim-survivors of sexual violence. ‘Speaking in’ occurs when victim-survivors disclose their experiences in more private or anonymous communities of peers and allies. In these contexts, meaning is placed on how disclosures are heard, validated and supported. Indeed, many participants preferred to ‘speak in’ among communities of peers because in these contexts they felt safe and understood. In contrast, several participants had negative associations with speaking out through hashtags such as #MeToo. Therefore, in examining the myriad ways that victim-survivors engage with digital platforms, this research points towards a complex relationship between ‘speaking out’ and ‘speaking in’.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to acknowledge and thank Associate Professor Anastasia Powell and Dr Gregory Stratton, both of whom provided feedback on early versions of this manuscript. Thank you also to the victim-survivors who participated in the research.

This manuscript was supported by the Australian Government Research Training Program.

Conflict of interest

The author declares there is no conflict of interest.

References

  • Ahmed, S. (2017). Living a Feminist Life. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

  • Bogen, K.W., Millman, C., Huntington, F. and Orchowski, L.M. (2018) A qualitative analysis of disclosing sexual victimization by #NotOkay during the 2016 presidential election, Violence and Gender, 5(3): 17481, doi: 10.1089/vio.2017.0053.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bogen, K.W., Bleiweiss, K. and Orchowski, L.M. (2019) Sexual violence is #NotOkay: social reactions to disclosures of sexual victimization on Twitter, Psychology of Violence, 9(1): 12737, doi: 10.1037/vio0000192.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark-Parsons, R. (2018) Building a digital girl army: the cultivation of feminist safe spaces online, New Media and Society, 20(6): 212544, doi: 10.1177/1461444817731919.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark, R. (2014) #NotBuyingIt: hashtag feminists expand the commercial media conversation, Feminist Media Studies, 14(6): 110810, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2014.975473.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark, R. (2016) ‘Hope in a hashtag’: the discursive activism of #WhyIStayed, Feminist Media Studies, 16(5): 788804, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2016.1138235.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Crawford, K. (2009) Following you: disciplines of listening in social media, Continuum, 23(4): 52535, doi: 10.1080/10304310903003270.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dixon, K. (2014) Feminist online identity: analyzing the presence of hashtag feminism, Journal of Arts and Humanities, 3(7): 3440.

  • Fairclough, N. (2003) Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research, London: Routledge.

  • Ferreras, J. (2014) #BeenRapedNeverReported gives women space to share stories of sexual assault, Huffington Post Canada, 30 October, https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/10/30/been-raped-never-reported-twitter-ghomeshi_n_6078818.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. (2014) Online activism and street harassment: digital justice or shouting into the ether?, Griffith Journal of Law & Human Dignity, 2(1): 3251.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. and Loney-Howes, R. (2019) Introduction: mapping the emergence of #MeToo, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 118.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. and Phillips, N. (2019) From ‘me too’ to ‘too far’? Contesting the boundaries of sexual violence in contemporary activism, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 99115.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Francis, A. (2015) #BeenRapedNeverReported: 1 year later, what’s changed? Co-creators reflect back, Huffington Post Canada, 1 November, http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2015/11/01/been-raped-never-reported-one-year-later_n_8444162.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gleeson, J. and Turner, B. (2019) Online feminist activism as performative consciousness-raising: a #MeToo case study, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 5370.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gómez, J.M. and Gobin, R.L. (2020) Black women and girls & #MeToo: rape, cultural betrayal, & healing, Sex Roles, 82: 112, doi: 10.1007/s11199-019-01040-0.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hindes, S. and Fileborn, B. (2020) ‘Girl power gone wrong’: #MeToo, Aziz Ansari, and media reporting of (grey area) sexual violence, Feminist Media Studies, 20(5): 63956, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2019.1606843.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kagal, N., Cowan, L. and Jawad, H. (2019) Beyond the bright lights: are minoritized women outside the spotlight able to say #MeToo?, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 13350.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Keller, J., Mendes, K. and Ringrose, J. (2018) Speaking ‘unspeakable things’: documenting digital feminist responses to rape culture, Journal of Gender Studies, 27(1): 2236, doi: 10.1080/09589236.2016.1211511.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2015) Beyond the spectacle of suffering: representations of rape in online anti-rape activism, Outskirts: Feminisms Along the Edge, 33: 117.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2018) Shifting the rape script: coming out as a rape victim online, Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies, 39(2): 2657.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2019) The politics of the personal: the evolution of Anti-rape activism from second-wave feminism to #MeToo, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 2135.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2020) Online Anti-Rape Activism: Exploring the Politics of the Personal in the Age of Digital Media, Bingley: Emerald Publishing Limited.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. and Fileborn, B. (2019) Conclusion: ‘a new day is on the horizon’?, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 33542.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Malkin, B. (2016) Trump’s groping boasts inspire thousands of women to share sexual assault stories on Twitter, The Guardian, 9 October, https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/oct/09/women-share-sexual-assault-stories-on-twitter-after-donald-trump-comments.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Megarry, J. (2017) Why #metoo is an impoverished form of feminist activism, unlikely to spark social change, The Conversation, 30 October, https://theconversation.com/why-metoo-is-an-impoverished-form-of-feminist-activism-unlikely-to-spark-social-change-86455.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Megarry, J. (2020) The Limitations of Social Media Feminism: No Space of Our Own, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Mendes, K. and Ringrose, J. (2019) Digital feminist activism: #MeToo and the everyday experiences of challenging rape culture, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 3752.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Ringrose, J. and Keller, J. (2018) #MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism, European Journal of Women’s Studies, 25(2): 23646, doi: 10.1177/1350506818765318.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Belisário, K. and Ringrose, J. (2019a) Digitised narratives of rape: Disclosing sexual violence through pain memes, in U. Andersson, M. Edgren, L. Karlsson et al. (eds) Rape Narratives in Motion, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 17198.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Keller, J. and Ringrose, J. (2019b) Digitized narratives of sexual violence: making sexual violence felt and known through digital disclosures, New Media & Society, 21(6): 1290310, doi: 10.1177/1461444818820069.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Ringrose, J. and Keller, J. (2019c) Digital Feminist Activism: Girls and Women Fight Back Against Rape Culture, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Murthy, D. (2018) Twitter, 2nd edn, Cambridge, MA: Polity Press.

  • Noyle, J. (2016) A million women share their sexual assault stories on Twitter after Donald Trump’s groping comments, The Age, 9 October, Melbourne, Victoria, www.theage.com.au/lifestyle/news-and-views/social/a-million-women-share-their-sexual-assault-stories-on-twitter-after-donald-trumps-groping-comments-20161009-gry9k3.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • O’Neil, A., Sojo, V., Fileborn, B., Scovelle, A.J. and Milner, A. (2018) The #MeToo movement: an opportunity in public health?, The Lancet, 391: 258789, doi: 10.1016/s0140-6736(18)30991–7.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Onwuachi-Willig, A. (2018) What about #UsToo: the invisibility of race in the #MeToo movement, Yale Law Journal Forum, 10520.

  • O’Neill, T. (2018) ‘Today I Speak’: exploring how victim-survivors use Reddit, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 7(1): 4459.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Powell, A. (2015) Seeking rape justice: formal and informal responses to sexual violence through technosocial counterpublicss, Theoretical Criminology, 19(4): 57188, doi: 10.1177/1362480615576271.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Powell, A. and Henry, N. (2017) Sexual Violence in a Digital Age, London: Palgrave Macmillan UK.

  • Rentschler, C.A. (2014) Rape culture and the feminist politics of social media, Girlhood Studies, 7(1): 6582, doi: 10.3167/ghs.2014.070106.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Serisier, T. (2018) Speaking Out: Feminism, Rape and Narrative Politics, London: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Serisier, T. (2019) A new age of believing women? Judging rape narratives online, in U. Andersson, M. Edgren, L. Karlsson et al. (eds) Rape Narratives in Motion, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 199222.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Turkle, S. (2011) Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other, New York: Basic Books, doi: 10.26422/aucom.2012.0102.fer.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Williams, S. (2015) Digital defense: Black feminists resist violence with hashtag activism, Feminist Media Studies, 15(2): 34144, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2015.1008744.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ahmed, S. (2017). Living a Feminist Life. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

  • Bogen, K.W., Millman, C., Huntington, F. and Orchowski, L.M. (2018) A qualitative analysis of disclosing sexual victimization by #NotOkay during the 2016 presidential election, Violence and Gender, 5(3): 17481, doi: 10.1089/vio.2017.0053.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bogen, K.W., Bleiweiss, K. and Orchowski, L.M. (2019) Sexual violence is #NotOkay: social reactions to disclosures of sexual victimization on Twitter, Psychology of Violence, 9(1): 12737, doi: 10.1037/vio0000192.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark-Parsons, R. (2018) Building a digital girl army: the cultivation of feminist safe spaces online, New Media and Society, 20(6): 212544, doi: 10.1177/1461444817731919.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark, R. (2014) #NotBuyingIt: hashtag feminists expand the commercial media conversation, Feminist Media Studies, 14(6): 110810, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2014.975473.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Clark, R. (2016) ‘Hope in a hashtag’: the discursive activism of #WhyIStayed, Feminist Media Studies, 16(5): 788804, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2016.1138235.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Crawford, K. (2009) Following you: disciplines of listening in social media, Continuum, 23(4): 52535, doi: 10.1080/10304310903003270.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dixon, K. (2014) Feminist online identity: analyzing the presence of hashtag feminism, Journal of Arts and Humanities, 3(7): 3440.

  • Fairclough, N. (2003) Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research, London: Routledge.

  • Ferreras, J. (2014) #BeenRapedNeverReported gives women space to share stories of sexual assault, Huffington Post Canada, 30 October, https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/10/30/been-raped-never-reported-twitter-ghomeshi_n_6078818.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. (2014) Online activism and street harassment: digital justice or shouting into the ether?, Griffith Journal of Law & Human Dignity, 2(1): 3251.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. and Loney-Howes, R. (2019) Introduction: mapping the emergence of #MeToo, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 118.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fileborn, B. and Phillips, N. (2019) From ‘me too’ to ‘too far’? Contesting the boundaries of sexual violence in contemporary activism, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 99115.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Francis, A. (2015) #BeenRapedNeverReported: 1 year later, what’s changed? Co-creators reflect back, Huffington Post Canada, 1 November, http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2015/11/01/been-raped-never-reported-one-year-later_n_8444162.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gleeson, J. and Turner, B. (2019) Online feminist activism as performative consciousness-raising: a #MeToo case study, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 5370.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gómez, J.M. and Gobin, R.L. (2020) Black women and girls & #MeToo: rape, cultural betrayal, & healing, Sex Roles, 82: 112, doi: 10.1007/s11199-019-01040-0.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hindes, S. and Fileborn, B. (2020) ‘Girl power gone wrong’: #MeToo, Aziz Ansari, and media reporting of (grey area) sexual violence, Feminist Media Studies, 20(5): 63956, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2019.1606843.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kagal, N., Cowan, L. and Jawad, H. (2019) Beyond the bright lights: are minoritized women outside the spotlight able to say #MeToo?, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 13350.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Keller, J., Mendes, K. and Ringrose, J. (2018) Speaking ‘unspeakable things’: documenting digital feminist responses to rape culture, Journal of Gender Studies, 27(1): 2236, doi: 10.1080/09589236.2016.1211511.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2015) Beyond the spectacle of suffering: representations of rape in online anti-rape activism, Outskirts: Feminisms Along the Edge, 33: 117.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2018) Shifting the rape script: coming out as a rape victim online, Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies, 39(2): 2657.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2019) The politics of the personal: the evolution of Anti-rape activism from second-wave feminism to #MeToo, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 2135.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. (2020) Online Anti-Rape Activism: Exploring the Politics of the Personal in the Age of Digital Media, Bingley: Emerald Publishing Limited.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Loney-Howes, R. and Fileborn, B. (2019) Conclusion: ‘a new day is on the horizon’?, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 33542.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Malkin, B. (2016) Trump’s groping boasts inspire thousands of women to share sexual assault stories on Twitter, The Guardian, 9 October, https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/oct/09/women-share-sexual-assault-stories-on-twitter-after-donald-trump-comments.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Megarry, J. (2017) Why #metoo is an impoverished form of feminist activism, unlikely to spark social change, The Conversation, 30 October, https://theconversation.com/why-metoo-is-an-impoverished-form-of-feminist-activism-unlikely-to-spark-social-change-86455.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Megarry, J. (2020) The Limitations of Social Media Feminism: No Space of Our Own, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Mendes, K. and Ringrose, J. (2019) Digital feminist activism: #MeToo and the everyday experiences of challenging rape culture, in B. Fileborn and R. Loney-Howes (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 3752.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Ringrose, J. and Keller, J. (2018) #MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism, European Journal of Women’s Studies, 25(2): 23646, doi: 10.1177/1350506818765318.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Belisário, K. and Ringrose, J. (2019a) Digitised narratives of rape: Disclosing sexual violence through pain memes, in U. Andersson, M. Edgren, L. Karlsson et al. (eds) Rape Narratives in Motion, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 17198.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Keller, J. and Ringrose, J. (2019b) Digitized narratives of sexual violence: making sexual violence felt and known through digital disclosures, New Media & Society, 21(6): 1290310, doi: 10.1177/1461444818820069.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mendes, K., Ringrose, J. and Keller, J. (2019c) Digital Feminist Activism: Girls and Women Fight Back Against Rape Culture, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Murthy, D. (2018) Twitter, 2nd edn, Cambridge, MA: Polity Press.

  • Noyle, J. (2016) A million women share their sexual assault stories on Twitter after Donald Trump’s groping comments, The Age, 9 October, Melbourne, Victoria, www.theage.com.au/lifestyle/news-and-views/social/a-million-women-share-their-sexual-assault-stories-on-twitter-after-donald-trumps-groping-comments-20161009-gry9k3.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • O’Neil, A., Sojo, V., Fileborn, B., Scovelle, A.J. and Milner, A. (2018) The #MeToo movement: an opportunity in public health?, The Lancet, 391: 258789, doi: 10.1016/s0140-6736(18)30991–7.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Onwuachi-Willig, A. (2018) What about #UsToo: the invisibility of race in the #MeToo movement, Yale Law Journal Forum, 10520.

  • O’Neill, T. (2018) ‘Today I Speak’: exploring how victim-survivors use Reddit, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 7(1): 4459.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Powell, A. (2015) Seeking rape justice: formal and informal responses to sexual violence through technosocial counterpublicss, Theoretical Criminology, 19(4): 57188, doi: 10.1177/1362480615576271.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Powell, A. and Henry, N. (2017) Sexual Violence in a Digital Age, London: Palgrave Macmillan UK.

  • Rentschler, C.A. (2014) Rape culture and the feminist politics of social media, Girlhood Studies, 7(1): 6582, doi: 10.3167/ghs.2014.070106.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Serisier, T. (2018) Speaking Out: Feminism, Rape and Narrative Politics, London: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Serisier, T. (2019) A new age of believing women? Judging rape narratives online, in U. Andersson, M. Edgren, L. Karlsson et al. (eds) Rape Narratives in Motion, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 199222.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Turkle, S. (2011) Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other, New York: Basic Books, doi: 10.26422/aucom.2012.0102.fer.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Williams, S. (2015) Digital defense: Black feminists resist violence with hashtag activism, Feminist Media Studies, 15(2): 34144, doi: 10.1080/14680777.2015.1008744.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • 1 Victoria University, , Australia

Content Metrics

May 2022 onwards Past Year Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 2 2 2
Full Text Views 22 22 22
PDF Downloads 22 22 22

Altmetrics

Dimensions